Voters just ushered the United States into the post-Trump era. The ballots are still being counted, and key races are still being called, but here’s the short version of the midterm election: It’s a blue tsunami.

Democrats looked set to take full control of Congress; they flipped crucial seats and won state-level offices where they’d barely been expected to compete. If anything, their performance was significantly stronger than expected — even after weeks of polls showing the party surging, and President Donald Trump’s approval cratering, and mounting outrage over gas prices, the war in Iran, healthcare, and corruption. It’s quite possible this is the biggest midterm wave since Watergate, and it appears likely to send large Democratic majorities to Congress.

What happens now? The historic shift that voters signaled Tuesday goes beyond just the raw numbers. Simply put, Americans are waking up in a different country today — one in which voters have decisively repudiated Trump’s party and opened up a new era of American politics.

Democrats won back groups they lost in 2024, like Latino voters, and made previously unheard-of incursions into MAGA territory, including rural and working-class white communities. Democrats even won the governorship of Texas — Texas!

One potential takeaway is that a new version of a Democratic coalition could be emerging. A more realistic way to see this, though, might be as the latest and loudest affirmation that the politics of the post-Trump era remain highly unsettled, with no voting group or state to be taken for granted by either party.

The incoming class of leaders is a diverse portrait of America in the 21st century, and a picture of the kind of nation that Trump has explicitly been trying to roll back. Georgia elected the nation’s first Black woman governor; New Hampshire will send the first openly gay man to the Senate; and (as of this writing) the would-be first Muslim senator was leading in Michigan. In Kansas, a megachurch pastor won Evangelical voters to the Democratic ticket, sending the state’s first non-Republican to the Senate in nearly a century.

In an election where the closing Republican arguments often relied on tribal fears around religion, country of origin, masculinity, and gender identity, the results were a loud rebuke to those impulses.

Taken together, the night was also, as election analyst Sean Trende put it, “a complete collapse of the Republican coalition.”Democrats will now have a chance to carry out the mandate they’ve been handed — on affordability, corruption, and foreign policy — and convince voters they can still be trusted with greater power in 2028 and beyond. How Trump responds, and the Republicans who must now balance their loyalty to a vengeful 80-year-old lame duck against a partywide emergency heading into the presidential cycle, will be one of the defining stories of the rest of his term.

Here’s the story of the historic shift so far, and what it will mean for the country going forward.

The House: Democrats are poised to take control in a major way Many of the Democrats’ newly won House seats could be hard for the party to defend in future elections, but for now the results could have major implications for how the chamber governs.

Both Democrats and Republicans have struggled with narrow majorities in recent years, in which a small handful of members can threaten to withhold their votes and tank legislation or procedural votes. The new Democratic majority is big enough to avoid that problem in the next session. But it also might diminish the influence of the energetic new progressive wing, since their votes would not necessarily be crucial to pass certain measures.

From the very first votes counted in Indiana and Kentucky, in districts that Trump had won by double digits in 2024, it was clear that Republicans’ small House of Representatives majority would likely soon be washed out by a blue wave. But as the night went on, the size of the wave became more and more clear. Democrats were flipping Republican seats across the country, without any particular geographic or regional pattern to speak of.

They flipped Republican-held seats in Kentucky, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and North Carolina. They looked favored to win more in Arizona, Michigan, Iowa, and Virginia.

Democratic House challengers with mainstream political experience, like Scranton Mayor Paige Cognetti (PA-08), won. So did Democrats with military experience, like Navy helicopter pilot Rebecca Bennett (NJ-07). And so did Democrats with more against-the-grain backgrounds, like farmer Jamie Ager (NC-11).

The exact size of the Democratic majority wasn’t immediately clear as races remain uncalled, but forecasts on Tuesday night suggested it would likely be enormous — something like a 60-vote edge over the GOP in the chamber.

More votes means more leeway for leadership, which could perhaps give the party’s growing progressive faction, or a soon-to-be considerable moderate wing, less leverage to make demands and more freedom to vote “no” when their conscience or local politics calls for it. The Senate: Some very weak Republican candidates helped Democrats beat all expectations Control of the Senate will be hugely important in shaping the final two years of Trump’s presidency — because a Democratic majority would make it much harder for him to confirm controversial nominees to administration positions. It would also likely make it impossible for him to confirm a new Supreme Court justice, should a vacancy arise.

Furthermore, if Democrats hope to achieve their ambitions next time they control the presidency (which they hope will be in 2029), they’d have to start building a Senate majority now — only a third of the chamber is up in each cycle.

The problem for Democrats was that political analysts had long believed the Senate map they faced this year would be forbiddingly difficult. They’d have to hold their own seats, including contests in swing states like Georgia and Michigan.

To win a majority, though, Democrats then had to pick off at least four Republican seats, and some of those would have to be in deep red territory, which meant breaking into states Trump won big, such as Ohio and Texas.

In doing this, they didn’t just benefit from a blue wave. They also got help of a kind from a surprising source: President Donald Trump, whose choices and actions often seemed designed to put safe GOP-held seats at risk.

Trump’s attacks on Sen. Thom Tillis (R-NC) spurred the veteran legislator to retire. Trump backed a primary challenge to Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) that resulted in a flawed and scandal-plagued candidate, state attorney general Ken Paxton, becoming the GOP nominee. And when Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) died suddenly in July, Trump decided to appoint his sister Darline, a political neophyte, to his seat.

On Tuesday, Republicans lost all three of those races. In North Carolina, the state’s popular Democratic governor, Roy Cooper, easily triumphed over former RNC chair Michael Whatley. In Texas, 37-year-old state rep. James Talarico became a nationally viral phenomenon with his faith-inflected message and defeated Paxton soundly.

And in South Carolina, a pediatrician named Annie Andrews defeated Darline Graham in one of the night’s most shocking results. But the GOP’s Senate woes were broader. In Ohio, a state Trump won three times, former Sen. Sherrod Brown (D) defeated Sen. Jon Husted (R), who Trump had appointed to fill JD Vance’s Senate seat once Vance became vice president.

In Iowa, Republicans had viewed their candidate for the open Senate seat, Rep. Ashley Hinson, as one of the stars of the cycle, believing she did everything right. It wasn’t enough. She, too, went down to defeat, to state Rep. Josh Turek (D).

In Maine, Sen. Susan Collins (R), who had long defied political gravity, finally lost to former state sen. Troy Jackson (D).

And yet another shocker ensued in Kansas, a state that has not elected a Democrat to the Senate since 1932.

Methodist megachurch pastor Adam Hamilton (D) led Sen. Roger Marshall (R-KS), a one-term incumbent whose campaign was dogged by reports that, back when he was a doctor, he’d sued patients for unpaid bills.

All in all, depending on how uncalled races in Mississippi and Alaska turn out, Democrats could end up with somewhere around 55 Senate seats — an impressive majority, particularly in a year when they weren’t expected to come anywhere close to that.

Governors: Democrats get their chance to lead Even with significant majorities, Democrats will be limited in how much they can check Trump and enact their agenda in Congress. But at the state level, Democrats won major gubernatorial victories around the country, giving them an immediate opportunity to pursue policies that could directly affect hundreds of millions of Americans — including in states that they haven’t led in decades.

In Georgia, Keisha Lance Bottoms is set to become the first Black governor, and the first Black woman to govern any state in America, after defeating Republican businessman Rick Jackson. In Texas, Gina Hinojosa rode a backlash over data centers to beat Greg Abbott, long considered one of the most politically successful and influential conservative governors in the country.

In Iowa, Democratic state auditor Rob Sand, who campaigned as a pragmatist, won the governorship.

And in Ohio, Democratic public health expert Amy Acton overcame a last-ditch ad from Republican Vivek Ramaswamy that featured her own mother — who lost custody of a then-12-year-old Acton after her husband was indicted for sexual abuse — to handily win her election. A bright spot for Republicans is Florida, where Rep. Byron Donalds overcame a surprisingly tough race against Democrat David Jolly and is set to become the state’s first Black governor. Latino voters gave Democrats a second chance Underlying some of the night’s most surprising results were powerful demographic currents — for the GOP, not unlike a wave quickly pulling back from the beach.

Trump had shocked Democrats over the last 10 years by making steady gains with Latino voters, first with conservative-leaning Cuban Americans in Florida, and then in 2024 with Mexican American and Puerto Rican voters around the country moving right over concerns about inflation and border security. But Trump’s economic mismanagement and aggressive deployment of ICE helped spur a backlash from early on in his second term that culminated in a massive swing back toward Democrats in key races.

From South and Central Florida to rural Kansas to the Rio Grande Valley, Latino voters again favored Democrats, helping power candidates to big wins. Nowhere was the impact greater than in Texas, where exit polls found Talarico won 64 percent of Latino voters in his race against Paxton, giving Democrats a statewide victory after decades of failure. Trump had won 55 percent of the Latino vote just two years earlier. The gerrymanders didn’t work.

In fact, they sparked a backlash. Republicans, egged on by Trump, had a last-ditch plan to save the House: Break from the usual once-a-decade redistricting process and gerrymander seats wherever state Republicans had the ability to do so.

They got an added boost from the Supreme Court, which overturned decades of Voting Rights Act protections for minority-majority districts in its Callais decision. It didn’t work. While the new maps gave Republicans an advantage on paper, the scale of the blue wave was so big that it quickly overpowered it. In Florida, Democrats herded into Trumpier districts appeared to all survive their contests.

And in North Carolina, the situation was even worse for Republicans, with the former state house speaker who masterminded the new maps, Tim Moore, trailing in his own Congressional run with nearly all votes counted in what was expected to be a solidly Republican seat. It may have backfired in ways that went beyond the House results. There was a massive surge in Black turnout across the South, where voting rights have long been a touchstone issue, that spilled into statewide races.

Democratic Senate and gubernatorial candidates not only won by wide margins in Georgia and North Carolina, but put up shockingly competitive fights in Mississippi and Louisiana Senate races that only came on the national radar late in the cycle. The most important takeaway: Voters are really, really, really mad Americans chose to overlook some pretty glaring concerns with Trump when they sent him back to office in 2024, but they did so with a clear mandate: Get prices down, secure the border, and bring a positive resolution to conflicts abroad. It’s clear now he blew it, and they aren’t happy.

The scale of voter outrage was the story of the night, just two years after Democrats faced its wrath and arguably far more intense this time. Sixty-two percent of voters in preliminary exit polls disapproved of his job as president, 53 percent of them strongly; 62 percent said he prioritized his own interests more than the country’s; 65 percent believed he had made the economy worse; and 44 percent said their own financial situation had worsened since his election.

It’s a complete loss of confidence, and a sharp contrast to his — in comparison now, modest — rebuke in the 2018 and even 2020 election, when voters still credited his economic stewardship even as they rebelled against his personal behavior and broader agenda.

Both parties now know just how poisonous the current Trump brand is. The question is whether Democrats can offer a compelling alternative vision now and — above all, after years of anti-incumbent sentiment — prove they can deliver tangible results. Even on a historic night, a majority of voters told pollsters they held an unfavorable view of the Democratic Party.