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基督教信仰的一个美好夜晚A Good Night for the Christian Faith

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一幅蓝色插画,画中一头驴被祥云环绕。A blue illustration of a donkey surrounded by heavenly clouds.

中期选举给唐纳德·特朗普、共和党和“让美国再次伟大”运动带来了一场毁灭性的、全方位的惨败。其规模令人震惊。

MIDTERM ELECTIONS delivered a crushing, across-the-board defeat to Donald Trump, the Republican Party, and the MAGA movement. The dimensions are staggering.

但即使在一个充满非凡结果的夜晚,詹姆斯·塔拉里科在得克萨斯州和亚当·汉密尔顿在堪萨斯州的胜利也格外引人注目。这不仅仅是因为得克萨斯州的一个参议院席位自1988年以来首次由民主党人赢得,或者堪萨斯州民主党人打破了长达94年的败绩,上一次赢得参议院竞选还是在1932年。关键在于,塔拉里科和汉密尔顿都是虔诚且知名的基督徒。他们自然地谈论自己的信仰,演讲和采访中穿插着经文和圣经主题。

But even on a night filled with remarkable results, the victories of James Talarico in Texas and Adam Hamilton in Kansas stood apart. It’s not simply that a Texas Senate seat went Democratic for the first time since 1988, or that Kansas Democrats broke a 94-year losing streak, having last won a Senate race in 1932. It’s that Talarico and Hamilton are both committed and prominent Christians. They speak naturally about their faith, and their speeches and interviews are laced with scripture and biblical themes.

塔拉里科的祖父是南得克萨斯州的一位浸礼会牧师,他在奥斯汀长老会神学院获得了神学研究硕士学位。他原本正在那里攻读神学硕士学位,准备按立为牧师,但他暂停了神学院的学业去竞选参议员。

Talarico, whose grandfather was a Baptist preacher in South Texas, earned a master’s degree in theological studies from Austin Presbyterian Theological Seminary. He had been studying there for a master’s in divinity on the path toward ordination, but he put his seminary training on hold to run for the Senate.

亚当·汉密尔顿担任联合卫理公会牧师已超过35年。1990年,他在堪萨斯州利伍德创立了联合卫理公会复活教堂,首次礼拜是在一家殡仪馆举行的。如今,它是美国最大的联合卫理公会教会,拥有约24000名成员,并在三个州设有分堂。他自认为既是主流新教徒,也是福音派。他的教会在政治上多元化,共和党人、民主党人和独立人士几乎各占三分之一。他在竞选期间继续担任复活教堂的资深牧师,并打算在担任参议员的同时,以兼职方式继续留任该职务。

Adam Hamilton has been a United Methodist pastor for more than 35 years. In 1990, he founded the United Methodist Church of the Resurrection in Leawood, Kansas, whose first services were held in a funeral home. Today it is the largest United Methodist congregation in America, with about 24,000 members and locations in three states. He considers himself to be both a mainline Protestant and an evangelical. His church is politically diverse, almost equally divided between Republicans, Democrats, and independents. He continued as senior pastor of the Church of the Resurrection during his campaign, and his intention has been to remain in the role, on a part-time basis, even while serving in the Senate.

塔拉里科和汉密尔顿进入参议院的意义有二。首先是他们对民主党的影响,该党在过去几十年里变得日益世俗化。

The arrivals of Talarico and Hamilton in the Senate are significant in two respects. The first is their effect on the Democratic Party, which has become increasingly secular over the past several decades.

民主党有时对基督教表现出一种勉强掩饰的敌意——有时则完全不加掩饰——许多基督徒也以此相报。即便没有公开敌意,双方显然都感到不自在,而不自在感越强,双方疏远得就越远。结果,一些民主党人开始把许多基督徒视为要击败的对手,而非要争取的选民;许多基督徒则开始把民主党视为恶意的、甚至是邪恶的,而非仅仅是误入歧途。

At times, Democrats have shown a barely concealed hostility toward Christianity—on other occasions, it’s been entirely unconcealed—and many Christians have returned the favor. Even in the absence of open hostility, there has clearly been discomfort on both sides, and the greater the discomfort, the further apart they have drifted. As a result, a number of Democrats have come to view many Christians less as voters to win over than as opponents to defeat, and many Christians have come to view the Democratic Party less as misguided than as malicious, even evil.

值得注意的例外是黑人基督徒,其中许多人在神学上属于保守派,却长期在民主党找到了归属。来自佐治亚州的民主党参议员拉斐尔·沃诺克至今仍担任亚特兰大埃比尼泽浸信会教堂的资深牧师。

The notable exception is Black Christians, many of whom are theologically conservative yet have long found a home in the Democratic Party. Raphael Warnock, the Democratic senator from Georgia, still serves as the senior pastor of Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta.

随着塔拉里科和汉密尔顿加入沃诺克所在的民主党党团,该党对基督徒、尤其是福音派基督徒的不安感可能会消退。这种改善要得到回应可能需要更长时间,因为许多福音派人士仍对这两人的政治神学及其在某些议题上的立场保持警惕。但如果这些新参议员能帮助同僚更好地理解信仰者,并教会他们如何与信仰者对话,那么基督徒反过来可能会开始感到自己被看见、被倾听。

With Talarico and Hamilton joining Warnock in the Democratic caucus, the party’s unease with Christians, especially evangelical Christians, could recede. It may take longer for that to be reciprocated, because many evangelicals remain wary of the two men’s political theology and stances on certain issues. But if these new senators can help their colleagues better understand people of faith and teach them how to speak with them, then Christians, in turn, may begin to feel more seen and heard.

随着时间的推移,该党与信仰者之间的互动模式可以改变,将他们隔开的层层冰霜可以开始融化。这有助于民主党,也有助于基督教信仰。

Over time, the dynamic between the party and the faithful can change, and the layers of ice separating them can begin to thaw. That should help the Democratic Party. But it should also help the Christian faith.

福音派新教是美国最大的宗教传统,信徒人数略多于天主教。五十年前,白人福音派的支持在共和党人杰拉尔德·福特和民主党人吉米·卡特之间分裂,后者本人就是一位重生的南方浸信会教徒。然而到了1980年,福音派人士已开始果断转向共和党阵营,这一趋势此后持续不断。与天主教徒在两党之间保持分裂、并对两党都保持一定独立性不同,白人福音派成为了共和党联盟中最忠诚的选民群体。大约十分之八的人在特朗普的三次竞选中都投了他的票。

EVANGELICAL PROTESTANTism constitutes the largest religious tradition in the United States, accounting for slightly more Americans than Catholicism. Fifty years ago, white evangelicals split their support between the Republican Gerald Ford and the Democrat Jimmy Carter, himself a born-again Southern Baptist. By 1980, though, evangelists had begun to move decisively into the Republican camp, and that trend has only continued. Unlike Catholics, who have remained divided between the two parties and kept a measure of independence from both, white evangelicals became the most loyal constituency in the Republican coalition. Roughly eight in 10 voted for Trump in each of his three campaigns.

最初的联盟最终演变成了深度融合,而这种融合是有代价的。历史学家马克·诺尔在描述始于20世纪70年代中期的动员过程时写道,根基深厚的福音派和原教旨主义宗教传统被“变成了一种政治工具”。

What began as an alliance eventually became a fusion, and that fusion came with a cost. The historian Mark Noll, describing the mobilization that began in the mid-1970s, wrote that well-established traditions of evangelical and fundamentalist religion were transformed “into a political instrument.”

1979年,弗吉尼亚州林奇堡托马斯路浸信会教堂的牧师、自由大学创始人杰里·法威尔发起了“道德大多数”组织。其目的是动员基督教保守派反对“世俗人本主义”,以及法威尔后来所谓的“道德放纵的洪流”。

In 1979, Jerry Falwell, the pastor of Thomas Road Baptist Church in Lynchburg, Virginia, and the founder of what became Liberty University, launched the Moral Majority. Its purpose was to mobilize Christian conservatives against “secular humanism” and what Falwell later called “the flood tide of moral permissiveness.”

“我们正在进行一场圣战,”法威尔当时说,“这一次我们将取得胜利。”围绕这场运动,倡导团体、选民指南、媒体机构和动员投票行动等完整的基础设施应运而生,直到福音派实际上成了共和党的一个附属机构。在我从政的几十年里,我没见过比福音派更容易被政治权力诱惑的群体。这并不奇怪;基督教历史上充满了关于过度接近政治权力的警世故事。

“We are fighting a holy war,” Falwell said at the time, “and this time we are going to win.”An entire infrastructure of advocacy groups, voter guides, media outlets, and get-out-the-vote operations grew up around the movement, until evangelicalism became a de facto arm of the GOP. In my decades in politics, I haven’t seen a group more easily seduced by political power than evangelicals. That isn’t surprising; the history of Christianity is full of cautionary tales about getting too close to political power.

问题不在于基督徒参与政治。他们完全有权这样做。而且因为政治关乎人类社会的正当秩序,这不可避免地涉及正义与人类繁荣的问题,可以说他们有责任这样做。出错的地方在于,在太多情况下,基督徒的感知——他们的气质和思维定势——被扭曲了,有时甚至被腐蚀了。他们的言辞变得充满启示录色彩:美国始终处于道德崩溃的边缘,进步的蛮族始终在城门之外。这种灾难论滋生了恐惧、对文化被取代的焦虑,以及委屈感。愤怒升级,对某些人而言,甚至凝结成了仇恨。

The problem wasn’t that Christians became involved in politics. They had every right to do so. And because politics is about the proper ordering of human society, which inevitably touches on questions of justice and human flourishing, there is arguably an imperative that they do so. What went wrong is that in far too many cases, Christians’ sensibilities—their temperament and cast of mind—were disfigured, and at times corrupted. Their rhetoric became apocalyptic: America was always on the brink of moral collapse, and progressive barbarians were always at the gates. This catastrophism bred fear, anxiety about cultural displacement, and a sense of grievance. Anger rose and, for some, hardened into hatred.

对许多人来说,基督教成了一件钝器。许多原教旨主义者和福音派似乎乐于冲突。他们在寻找一位政治人物做他们的斗士、战士,一个不仅要击败对手,还要把对手打得头破血流的人。他们在唐纳德·J·特朗普身上找到了这个人。美国历史上最残忍、最腐败的总统,成了那些最大声宣称追随耶稣之人的化身。

For many, Christianity became a blunt-force instrument. Many fundamentalists and evangelicals seemed to relish conflict. They went looking for a political figure to be their fighter, their warrior, someone who would not just defeat the other side but bloody it. They found him in Donald J. Trump. The cruelest and most corrupt president in American history became the avatar of many of those who most loudly professed to follow Jesus.

这就把话题引回到了詹姆斯·塔拉里科和亚当·汉密尔顿身上。那些关注他们竞选、并看了他们昨晚胜选演讲的人,看到了完全不同的景象。塔拉里科和汉密尔顿说的是另一种语言;他们处于另一种境界。塔拉里科宣称“分裂的政治敌不过爱的政治”。两人都倡导体面与善良。

WHICH BRINGS US BACK to James Talarico and Adam Hamilton. Those who watched their campaigns, and who saw their victory speeches last night, witnessed something altogether different. Talarico and Hamilton speak another language; they are in a different. Talarico declared that “the politics of division is no match for the politics of love.”Both champion decency and kindness.

他们汲取希伯来圣经,特别是《弥迦书》6章8节,先知说耶和华要求我们“行公义,好怜悯,存谦卑的心,与你的神同行”。他们也汲取新约:好撒玛利亚人的比喻和登山宝训;爱神和爱邻舍这两条最大的诫命;以及《马太福音》25章,耶稣说你们既做在“这些弟兄中最小的”一个身上,就是做在祂身上。

They draw on the Hebrew scripture, especially Micah 6:8, where the prophet says the Lord requires us “to act justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with your God.”They draw, too, on the New Testament: the parable of the Good Samaritan and the Sermon on the Mount; on the two great commandments to love God and to love your neighbor; and Matthew 25, where Jesus says that whatever we did for the least of these we did for him.

全美各地的基督徒或许并非在每一个议题上都认同塔拉里科和汉密尔顿,但他们深深感激这两人胜选,因为二人所秉持的伦理与气质,与MAGA世界截然不同。这两位来自得克萨斯州和堪萨斯州的当选参议员相信,治国即修心,言语应当疗愈而非伤人,仁慈并非软弱。他们认真对待以赛亚的邀请:“来吧,我们彼此辩论。”

There are Christians all across America who may not agree with Talarico and Hamilton on every issue but who are deeply grateful these men won, because they offer an ethic and a disposition profoundly different from those of MAGA world. The senators-elect from Texas and Kansas believe that statecraft is soulcraft, that words should heal rather than wound, and that mercy is not weakness. They take seriously Isaiah’s invitation: “Come now, and let us reason together.”

在政治中,许多非常优秀的人——无论宗教信徒还是世俗人士——都曾恳切地试图做修补破口的人,却失败了。宣称我们需要一种“爱的政治”,远比践行它容易。塔拉里科和汉密尔顿将面临前人同样面临过的诸多诱惑:将自己的信仰政治化,用经文为自己的意识形态背书,以及在忠于蓝队的压力下失去自己的先知之声。从他们在竞选期间的表现来看,而且据我所知,从他们人生的大部分时间来看,我对他们见证的质量抱有希望。但时间会给出答案。

In politics, very good people, religious and secular alike, have earnestly tried to be repairers of the breach and failed. Proclaiming that we need a “politics of love” is easier than practicing it. Talarico and Hamilton will face many of the same temptations others have faced before them: to politicize their faith, to use scripture to validate their ideology, and to lose their prophetic voice under pressure to be loyal to Team Blue. Judging by how they conducted themselves during the campaign, and, from what I can tell, over much of their lives, I’m hopeful about the quality of their witness. But time will tell.

牧师兼作家布莱恩·扎恩德曾描述过他经历过的一次信仰危机,不过那场危机与耶稣无关。“我觉得我所认识的那位耶稣,理应配得上一种比我我所认识的那种基督教更好的基督教,”他说。

The pastor and author Brian Zahnd has described a crisis of faith he once went through, though not one about Jesus. “I felt like the Jesus I knew deserved a better Christianity than the Christianity I knew,” he said.

塔拉里科和汉密尔顿的胜利,部分源于美国日益增长的一种感受:政坛上许多自称是基督徒、并声称在为“基督教价值观”而战的人,已在言语和行为上玷污了耶稣的名。即便是不信的人也能看出,残酷的政治与耶稣爱你的仇敌的命令是相悖的。

The victories of Talarico and Hamilton are rooted, in part, in a growing sense in America that many in politics who claim to be Christians, and to be fighting on behalf of “Christian values,” have slandered the name of Jesus in their words and their deeds. Even unbelievers can see that the politics of cruelty is at odds with Jesus’s command to love your enemy.

创作歌手乔恩·格拉在2024年那首发人深省的歌曲《美国福音》中,将这种虚假信仰定义为“有权者有福了/富人有福了/无情者有福了/伪善者有福了”。正如格拉的歌所表明的,这并非真正福音的核心——在真正的福音中,有福的是温柔的人和贫穷的人,是怜悯人的人和清心的人。

The singer-songwriter Jon Guerra, in his compelling 2024 song “American Gospel,” defines this counterfeit faith as “Blessed are the powerful / Blessed are the rich / Blessed are the merciless / and the hypocrites.”That is not, as Guerra’s song makes clear, the heart of the true Gospel, in which the blessed are the meek and the poor, the merciful and the pure in heart.

数以百万计的美国人,其中不乏福音派信徒,都对那些歪曲福音却假装在宣讲福音的人感到厌恶。某种深刻而美好的东西正在我们的土地上萌动。

Many millions of Americans, and not a few evangelicals, have been sickened by those who distort the Gospel while pretending to proclaim it. Something deep and good is stirring in our land.

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