正如唐纳德·特朗普常有的情况那样,他的言行中混杂着一定量的明智思考与疯狂混乱。在JD·万斯的推波助澜下,主流叙事认为共和党在中期选举中惨败,是伊朗冲突导致的,这一冲突如今被十分之六的美国选民视为“错误决定”。
As is so often the case with Donald Trump, a quantity of sound thinking can be found mixed in with the madness and chaos. The dominant narrative, helped along by JD Vance, is that the Republican midterms drubbing was a result of the Iran conflict, a campaign that is now regarded as the “wrong decision” by six in 10 American voters.
万斯表示:“我们输掉选举的原因是战争。”言下之意似乎是白宫应当疏远与以色列的紧密关系。在你我看来,美国对阿亚图拉(伊朗最高领袖)软化立场,外加对弗拉基米尔·普京软化立场,是一件可怕的事;但根据美国广播公司(ABC News)的一项民调,59%的共和党选民认为美国对以色列的支持“不够强硬”。
“The reason we lost is the war,” Vance stated, apparently suggesting that the White House’s close relationship with Israel should be unravelled. To you and me, the idea of the United States going soft on the Ayatollah in addition to Vladimir Putin is a dreadful one, and 59 per cent of Republican voters (according to a poll by ABC News) believe that America’s support for Israel is “not strong enough”.
然而,对于备受困境的“让美国再次伟大”(MAGA)基本盘而言,他们许多人每天都在吸收塔克·卡尔森的观点,善恶的界限已然颠倒。
But to the beleaguered Maga base, many of whom pump Tucker Carlson into their veins daily, the distinction between good and evil has flipped.
这就是特朗普判断正确的地方。在中期选举惨败后,当记者就伊朗问题询问他——伊朗如今面临美国部署数万大军、数百架战机和三个航母打击群——他坚称:“我做的是正确的事。我还会再做一遍。”这是特朗普罕见的(也许是唯一的?)道德清醒时刻。自1979年德黑兰政权掌权以来,这位男子就已认清其危险性,并一贯公开表达这一立场。
This is where Trump got it right. In the aftermath of the spectacular midterms defeat, when journalists quizzed him about Iran – which now faces the deployment of tens of thousands of American troops, hundreds of warplanes and three aircraft carriers – he insisted: “I did the right thing. I would have done it again.”This was a rare (maybe unique?) example of Trumpian moral clarity. The man has recognised the danger of the regime in Tehran ever since it seized power in 1979 and has consistently said so in public.
1980年,他在接受美国全国广播公司(NBC)采访时,要求采取军事行动营救52名美国人质。1987年,他在一次演讲中建议美国应夺取伊朗油田。翌年,他对《卫报》表示,如果当选总统,他将“对伊朗采取强硬手段”并“重创哈尔格岛”。
In an interview with NBC in 1980, he demanded military action to rescue the 52 American hostages. In a speech in 1987 he suggested that the US should seize Iran’s oilfields. The following year he told The Guardian that as president he would “be harsh on Iran” and “do a number on Kharg Island”.
在特朗普的第一个任期里,他退出了巴拉克·奥巴马的核协议,以“极限施压”制裁扼杀德黑兰,并暗杀了其标志性的恐怖大师卡西姆·苏莱曼尼。与主流政治精英不同,他始终清醒地认识到,这个以狂热高呼“美国去死、以色列去死、英国去死”(或其变体)口号著称的神权政权,对西方构成了何种威胁。
In Trump’s first term, he pulled out of Barack Obama’s nuclear deal, strangled Tehran with “maximum pressure” sanctions and assassinated its iconic terror mastermind Qasem Soleimani. Unlike the mainstream political elites, he has always been clear-eyed about the threat that the theocracy – known for its rabid chants of “death to America, Israel and Britain” (or its variations) – poses to the West.
看似,此人正是为此时此际而来。虽然今天看起来未必如此,但在二月发起针对伊朗的行动,原本是一个精明的战略决断。
Seemingly, the man had cometh for the hour. It might not seem like it today, but launching the campaign against Iran in February was a canny strategic decision.
在前年六月与以色列的12天战争后,该政权的防空系统已被摧毁,许多核设施埋在废墟之下。长期如装填上膛的手枪抵在以色列太阳穴上的真主党,被摩萨德的“严酷寻呼机”行动阉割了,在某些情况下甚至是字面意义上的阉割;巴沙尔·阿萨德在叙利亚倒台;俄罗斯陷入乌克兰泥潭。
After the 12-day war with Israel the previous June, the regime’s air defences had been destroyed and many of its nuclear sites were buried in rubble. Hezbollah, long the loaded pistol at Israel’s temple, had been castrated, in some cases literally, by Mossad’s “Grim Beeper” operation; Bashar al-Assad had fallen in Syria; and Russia was bogged down in Ukraine.
此外,在伊朗日益严重的经济危机中,成千上万的抗议者走上街头,迫使一个惊慌失措、走投无路的政权大规模镇压,造成数万人死伤。伊斯兰共和国的根基动摇得前所未有;历史不会再提供比这更好的机会将其推翻。
Moreover, amid a growing economic crisis in Iran, tens of thousands of protesters had taken to the streets, forcing a rattled and desperate regime to mow them down in their tens of thousands. The foundations of the Islamic Republic were wobbling as never before; history would present no better opportunity to bring it down.
因此,问题不那么在于特朗普决定发动战争,而在于他以一种愚蠢透顶的方式去推行。从一开始,除了以色列一贯的大胆果敢与杀伤力,这场行动的执行显得业余、傲慢、反复无常、固执己见,并因总统对恶毒强人的偏爱而遭到破坏。
The problem, therefore, is not so much Trump’s decision to go to war but the cretinous way he went about it. From the start, aside from Israel’s characteristic audaciousness and lethality, the execution of the campaign was amateurish, hubristic, capricious, pig-headed and undermined by the president’s fondness for malign strongmen.
最严重的是,尽管西方军事规划者已就霍尔木兹海峡的争夺推演了几十年,但确保这一关键咽喉要道的安全却被完全忽视了,似乎是基于一种目中无人的假设:一旦斩首领导层,政权就会崩溃。仅这一条就注定了失败。
Most seriously, although Western military planners had wargamed a struggle for the Strait of Hormuz for decades, securing this crucial choke-point was simply overlooked, seemingly in the overweening assumption that the regime would fold once its leadership had been decapitated. That alone set the conditions for failure.
一些计划在执行过程中被修改或取消,例如库尔德人的地面入侵被突然叫停,据报道是因为土耳其伊斯兰主义领导人雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安施加了压力。
Plans were altered or cancelled in mid-flow, such as when a Kurdish ground invasion was suddenly halted, reportedly because of pressure from Turkey’s Islamist leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
白宫让卡塔尔、土耳其和巴基斯坦这些精明的伊斯兰主义者来斡旋谈判,而不是让盟友英国、法国或德国来斡旋。结果,特朗普轻易地被操纵了。
The White House allowed the cunning Islamists of Qatar, Turkey and Pakistan to mediate negotiations rather than, say, allied Britain, France or Germany. As a result, Trump was easily manipulated.
这一切的根源是彻底的外交和政治无能。首先,美国在发动攻击之前没有向民主盟友说明战争的理由并争取它们的支持。在特朗普对北约和乌克兰的深刻背叛之后,英国和欧洲大国更加不愿卷入其中。总统自损式的回应是什么?嘲讽和恶毒。
This was underpinned by utter diplomatic and political incompetence. For one thing, the United States neglected to make the case for war to its democratic allies and secure their buy-in prior to the assault. After Trump’s profound betrayal of Nato and Ukraine, Britain and the European powers were doubly disinclined to get involved. The president’s self-harming response? Mockery and venom.
更严重的是特朗普对美国人民的不屑态度。他没有做出任何努力向公众解释为什么这场战争是必要的,以及为什么在汽油价格上承受这样一场军事行动的成本是值得的,以便在一个世界上最恶劣、最具敌意的政权获得核武器之前将其击败。
Even more serious was Trump’s dismissive attitude towards the American people. No attempt was made to explain to the public why this war was necessary, and why the cost of such a campaign at the petrol pump was worth paying to defeat one of the world’s worst and most hostile regimes before it went nuclear.
起初,凭借自身的自我沉醉,特朗普无论如何都能推进他的战争。但美国人民的问题在于,每隔几年,他们就会变成美国选民。
At first, buoyed by his own self-absorption, Trump was able to prosecute his war regardless. But the problem with the American people is that every couple of years, they turn into American voters.
一个软弱的总统担心,没有哪场战争值得让民众承受生活成本的压力,于是让国家失去防御,让国家利益无人追求。
A weak president fears that no war is worth a cost-of-living squeeze, leaving the country undefended and its interests un-pursued.
然而,一个傲慢的总统在物价飞涨之际无视选民,人民就会实施报复。这才是这件事的真正悲剧。就伊朗而言,这是一场正确的战争,错误的总统。
A hubristic president, however, ignores voters amid spiralling prices, and the people will exact their revenge. That is the true tragedy of the thing. When it comes to Iran, it was a case of right war, wrong president.