法国政府被指利用2015年巴黎袭击案后通过的一项反恐法，将数十人拒之于席卷全国的大规模抗议活动之外。律师和权利团体谴责这是滥用职权，可能对个人自由和抗议权利造成危险后果。
The French government has been accused of weaponising an anti-terror law adopted in the wake of the 2015 Paris attacks to keep dozens of people away from massive protests sweeping the country. Lawyers and rights groups denounce an abuse of power with potentially dangerous repercussions for individual liberties and the right to protest.
过去两个月，法国各地城镇爆发抗议活动，数十万示威者走上街头，行使珍视的权利，表达对学校资金不足、生活成本高企和警察暴行的不满。然而，一些人却以反恐之名被剥夺了这一权利。
The protests roiling France over the past two months have seen hundreds of thousands of demonstrators march in towns and cities across the country, exercising a cherished right to voice discontent over underfunded schools, the cost of living and police brutality. Some, however, have been stripped of that right, in the name of the fight against terror.
10月17日，和平集会演变为大规模骚乱和抢劫后，政府开始动用特殊反恐权力，在未经法官事先批准的情况下，禁止数十人参加后续示威。被禁者包括学生、工会会员、极左翼活动人士和环保倡导者，他们大多无犯罪记录，从未因恐怖主义接受过调查。
After peaceful rallies gave way to widespread rioting and looting on October 17, the government began using special anti-terror powers to bar several dozen people from attending further demonstrations – without prior approval from judges. They included students, trade unionists, far-left activists and environmental campaigners with no criminal record, most of whom had never been investigated for terrorism.
这是自2024年巴黎奥运会和残奥会以来，此类自由裁量权力最大规模的一次行使。当时，500多人被勒令居家或禁止靠近比赛场馆，导致多人失业。
It marked the largest use of such discretionary powers since the 2024 Olympic and Paralympic Games in Paris, when more than 500 people were ordered to stay home or barred from getting anywhere near the venues, leading several to lose their jobs. For lawyers, unions and rights groups, it also marked a turning point in the policing of protest movements.
对律师、工会和权利团体而言，这也标志着抗议运动警务执法的一个转折点。
Read more'Deeply regressive': How France plans to make protesters pay for riots and looting“It’s the first time such measures are taken against political activists, by attempting to put a ‘terrorist’ label on them,” said Aïnoha Pascual, a lawyer representing several people barred from attending nationwide protests on October 24 and 31.
延伸阅读“严重倒退”：法国计划如何让抗议者为骚乱和抢劫买单“这是此类措施首次针对政治活动人士采取，试图给他们贴上‘恐怖分子’标签，”代理多名被禁止参加10月24日和31日全国抗议活动人士的律师Aïnoha Pascual说。她谴责这是“反恐法律的彻底异化”，是政府旨在扼杀抗议的一系列措施之一。
She denounced “a complete perversion of counterterrorism laws”, part of a growing list of government measures aimed at stifling protests. Emergency powers The power used to restrict people’s movement is called an “individual measure of administrative control and surveillance”, known by the French acronym, MICAS.
紧急状态权力 用于限制人员行动的权力被称为“个人行政管控与监视措施”，法语缩写为 MICAS。这是 2015 年 11 月 14 日凌晨，在法国历史上最致命的恐怖袭击发生后宣布进入紧急状态、并发布大规模居家监禁令的遗留产物。
It is a legacy of the sweeping house arrest orders issued under a state of emergency declared in the early hours of November 14, 2015, in the wake of France’s deadliest ever terrorist attacks. Certain emergency powers were enshrined in French law under a Counter-Terrorism Act adopted two years later, allowing the Interior Ministry to restrict people’s movements when there are “serious reasons” to believe they constitute a grave security threat and have terrorist ties.
两年后通过的《反恐怖主义法》将某些紧急状态权力写入法国法律，允许内政部在有“严重理由”认为某人构成严重安全威胁且与恐怖主义有关联时，限制其行动。
People hit by MICAS orders are required to report at the local police station on a weekly or daily basis, and sometimes twice a day.
受 MICAS 措施约束的人员须每周或每天到当地派出所报到，有时甚至一天两次。不遵守限制规定可被判处三年监禁并处以 4.5 万欧元罚款。
Failure to abide by the restrictions can result in a three-year prison sentence and a €45,000 fine. The law states that such powers are intended “solely for the purpose of preventing acts of terrorism from being committed” – which lawyers say is clearly not the case with the current MICAS orders.
法律规定，此类权力“仅旨在防止恐怖主义行为的实施”——律师指出，目前的 MICAS 措施显然不符合这一目的。
Instead, “they are being used in situations where there is absolutely no terrorist threat whatsoever, against people who are not terrorists,” said Jean-Baptiste Soufron, a lawyer and member of the Association for the Defence of Constitutional Liberties (Adelico).
“它们被用在完全不存在任何恐怖威胁的情况下，针对的也不是恐怖分子，”律师、捍卫宪法自由协会（Adelico）成员让-巴蒂斯特·苏夫龙说。
“They’re not even aimed at rioters,” Soufron added.
苏夫龙补充道：“它们甚至不是针对骚乱者的。它们明显针对政治活动人士，禁止他们参加示威，企图以此削弱抗议运动。” 恐怖威胁——还是“小角色”？
“They clearly target political activists, barring them from attending demonstrations in the hope that this will weaken the protest movement.”Terror threats – or ‘small fry’?
发布 MICAS 措施的决定基于情报报告，可针对无犯罪记录的个人。该措施无需法官事先批准，但事后可在法庭提出异议。
The decision to issue a MICAS order is based on intelligence reports and can target individuals with no criminal record. It does not require prior approval by a judge, though it can be challenged afterwards in court.
苏夫龙指出，近期禁止民众参加抗议的命令往往在最后一刻才下达，“实际上使法官无法及时进行审查”。
Souffron noted that the recent orders barring people from attending protests were often issued at the last minute, “effectively making it impossible for a judge to examine them in time”.
绕过司法监督的能力——哪怕只是短暂的——赋予了政府相当大的自由裁量权，马克·布洛赫中心研究员尼古拉·克劳塞尔表示，他的研究专门涉及国家监控的法律后果。
The ability to bypass judicial supervision, at least for a short time, hands the government considerable discretionary powers, said Nicolas Klausser, a researcher at the Centre Marc Bloch whose work specialises in the legal ramifications of state surveillance.
他解释说：“这项措施实际上允许内政部自行决定谁构成恐怖威胁，而在刑事案件中，通常由法官裁决。”“在这种情况下，我们可以看到，当局试图在参加抗议活动与恐怖主义行为之间建立直接联系。” 11月3日，议员们就此事对内政部长洛朗·努涅斯进行质询时，他表示已签署了“一百多份”与抗议活动有关的MICAS令。
“The measure effectively allows the Interior Ministry to determine for itself who constitutes a terrorist threat, whereas normally, in criminal matters, it is up to a judge to rule,” he explained. “In this case, we can see that the authorities are trying to establish a direct link between taking part in protests and terrorist acts.”When lawmakers grilled Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez on the matter on November 3, he said he had signed “more than a hundred” MICAS orders related to the protests.
他补充说，这些命令针对的是“光谱的高端”，暗示涉及法国反恐雷达上层级的人员。《鸭鸣报》联系的消息来源讲述了不同的故事。
He added that they targeted “the upper end of the spectrum”, implying they involved people high up on the radar of French counterterrorism. Sources contacted by newspaper Le Canard enchaîné told a different story.
据这份调查与讽刺周刊报道，“只有极少数”受监控者实际上正受到反恐部门监控。它将其余的人描述为“与极左翼团体有关的小角色”。
According to the investigative and satirical weekly, “only a handful” of those targeted are actually being monitored by counterterrorism services. It described the rest as “small fry linked to far-left groups”.
《鸭鸣报》在周三出版的最新一期中称，针对抗议者部署MICAS措施的想法来自司法部长热拉尔·达尔马宁，他在巴黎奥运会期间担任内政部长时下令大规模使用。该报道援引“多位高级公务员”称，在公众抗议后，政府此后决定暂停对抗议者使用此类措施。
In its latest edition on Wednesday, Le Canard enchaîné said the idea to deploy MICAS measures against protesters had come from Justice Minister Gérald Darmanin, who ordered their mass use when serving as interior minister during the Paris Olympics. The report, which cited “several senior civil servants”, said the government has since decided to suspend their use against protesters following public outcry.
克劳塞尔表示，高级部长据称直接介入，凸显了将此类反恐权力武器化用于政治目的的可能性。
The alleged direct involvement of senior ministers underscores the potential to weaponise such anti-terror powers for political purposes, said Klausser.
“通常情况下，米卡斯命令是基于情报预警，由下而上逐级上报后发布的，但这一次似乎是自上而下下达的，”他解释道。“2017年法律的批评者曾警告说，该法留有巨大的滥用权力空间。事实证明他们是对的。”“生态恐怖分子”克劳塞表示，使用米卡斯命令是政府持续努力的一部分，旨在使“某些极左翼活动人士对公共秩序构成严重威胁”这一观念“合法化”。
“While Micas would normally emerge from the bottom up, based on intelligence warnings that climb up the chain of command, in this case it appears the order came from above,” he explained. “Critics of the 2017 law had warned that it left ample scope for abuse of power. They’ve been proven right.”‘Ecoterrorists’
达尔马宁多次强调所谓“生态恐怖分子”构成的威胁，他最早于2022年使用这一术语，当时因反对修建农业灌溉巨型水库的示威者与警察发生暴力冲突。
Klausser said the use of MICAS orders is part of ongoing government efforts to “legitimise” the notion that certain far-left activists present a grave threat to public order.
在10月17日发生暴力骚乱后，部长们迅速将责任归咎于“极左翼”团体。然而，在随后的速审中，大多数被定罪的人被证实是毫无政治倾向的机会主义掠夺者。
Darmanin has repeatedly flagged the threat from so-called “ecoterrorists”, a term he first used in 2022 in the wake of violent clashes between police and demonstrators opposed to the construction of giant reservoirs for agricultural irrigation. Following the violent unrest on October 17, ministers were quick to pin the blame on “ultra-left” groups.
阅读更多“我不知道这是盗窃”：巴黎10月17日暴力事件后审判开始“诸如‘生态恐怖主义’、‘叛乱’和‘破坏’等词汇被常态化地挥舞为吓人稻草，以植入恐惧，进而为将政治活动人士贴上恐怖分子标签提供理由，”帕斯夸尔说道，多年来他为多名被贴上“生态恐怖分子”标签的活动人士进行过辩护。
At subsequent fast-tracked trials, however, most of the people convicted turned out to be opportunistic looters with no political leaning.
“要么是政府假装他们是恐怖分子，因为没有别的办法禁止他们参加抗议；要么是政府真心认为10月17日发生的事情是恐怖主义——或者两者兼而有之，”她补充道。“无论如何，声称政治暴力和抢劫商店构成恐怖主义，需要相当大的胆量，尤其是在11月13日袭击案受害者纪念活动前夕。”
Read more'I didn’t know it was theft': Trials begin in Paris following October 17 violence“Terms such as ‘ecoterrorism’, ‘insurrection’ and ‘sabotage’ are routinely brandished as bogeymen to instil fear and then justify labelling political activists as terrorists,” said Pascual, who has defended several activists branded as “ecoterrorists” over the years. “Either the government is pretending they’re terrorists because they have no other way of barring them from protests, or they genuinely believe that what happened on October 17 was terrorism – or perhaps a bit of both,” she added.
内政部在为使用“米卡斯”令（MICAS orders）进行辩护的声明中辩称，抗议活动的“叛乱性质”构成了恐怖威胁。内政部指出，10月17日利摩日市政厅被大火烧毁，以及网上针对资本主义和国家象征发出的攻击呼吁，是意图“通过恐吓民众和公共当局严重扰乱公共秩序”的证据。
“Either way, it takes some nerve to claim that political violence and looting shops constitutes terrorism, particularly on the eve of commemorations for victims of the November 13 attacks.”In statements defending its use of MICAS orders, the Interior Ministry has argued that the “insurrectionary” nature of the protests constitutes a terror threat.
周二在巴黎举行的法庭听证会上，包括公共陈述人在内，广泛驳回了内政部的论点。公共陈述人是负责就案件提供独立意见的法官。
It has pointed to the fire that ravaged the town hall of Limoges on October 17, and online calls to target symbols of capitalism and the state, as evidence of an intent to “seriously disrupt public order by intimidating the population and the public authorities”. The ministry’s arguments were broadly rejected at a court hearing in Paris on Tuesday, including by the public rapporteur, a judge tasked with giving an independent opinion on the case.
“并非所有针对国家的暴力，也并非所有政治暴力，必然都是恐怖主义性质的，”据出席听证会的《Mediapart》记者报道，陈述人表示。抗议号召“不能被视为意图制造恐怖，而应被视为对执政当局的强烈愤怒表达，以及让它们陷入极大困境的一种手段”，她补充道。
“Not all violence directed against the state, nor all political violence, is necessarily of a terrorist nature,” said the rapporteur, according to a Mediapart journalist who attended the hearing. Protest calls “cannot be regarded as intended to sow terror, but rather as an expression of intense anger towards the ruling authorities and as a means of placing them in great difficulty”, she added.
政府陷入“恐慌”模式 说抗议运动让当局陷入“极大困境”简直是轻描淡写。10月17日发生的暴力事件，加上数周的大规模抗议和学校封锁，给法国这个饱受困扰的少数派政府施加了压力，该政府正努力争取对削减赤字预算案的支持。
Government in ‘panic’ mode To suggest that the protest movement has placed the authorities in “great difficulty” is an understatement. The violence witnessed on October 17, coupled with weeks of mass protests and school blockades, has piled pressure on France’s embattled minority government as it struggles to win support for a deficit-cutting budget.
克劳瑟表示，大规模骚乱引发了“一阵恐慌，促使内政部研究其掌握的所有选项”。“而他们充分利用了这些选项。”MICAS禁令出台之前，批评人士称已有一系列措施严重限制了抗议权，包括全面禁止集会、更改抗议路线以及实施局部宵禁。
The widespread rioting sparked “a moment of panic, prompting the Interior Ministry to explore all options at its disposal”, said Klausser. “And they’ve made full use of those options.”The MICAS orders come on the heels of a slew of other measures critics say have severely curtailed the right to protest.
“在如此长的时间内使用如此多的手段，表明了一种永久紧急状态，”法国人权联盟（LDH）的律师玛丽昂·奥吉耶本月早些时候在新闻发布会上说。
They include outright bans on rallies, changes to protest routes and localised curfews.
人权组织还谴责警方广泛使用拘留手段来威慑学生抗议者，这场运动正是从法国各地的高中开始的。截至10月14日的三周内，警方在学校封锁和游行中拘留了6877人，其中86%是未成年人。这一数字超过了2018年开始的“黄背心”抗议运动18个月期间警方拘留的人数，期间曾多次发生暴力冲突。
“The use of such an arsenal, over such a long period, is indicative of a permanent state of emergency,” Marion Ogier, a lawyer for France’s Human Rights League (LDH), told a press conference earlier this month. Rights groups have also denounced the widespread use of police custody to deter student protesters who kicked off the movement at high schools across France. In the three weeks leading up to October 14, police detained 6,877 people at school blockades and marches, 86 percent of them minors.
当局强调了抗议者实施的“严重暴力行为”，但律师们谴责警方将拘留武器化以恐吓抗议者，并强调大多数被拘留者后来未经指控即获释。他们还指责警方虐待被拘留长达48小时的未成年人，称存在辱骂、殴打以及剥夺食物和睡眠的行为。
It was more than the number detained during 18 months of often violent clashes with Yellow Vest protests that began in 2018. While the authorities have highlighted the “serious acts of violence” committed by protesters, lawyers have denounced a weaponisation of police custody to intimidate protesters, stressing that the majority of those detained were later released without charges.
帕斯夸尔说：“这还不算抗议现场本身所见的镇压。”他指的是警方大量使用“非致命”武器，已导致数十名抗议者致残。“当参加抗议可能导致被催泪瓦斯袭击、受伤或最终入狱时，相当多的人很可能会选择远离。”
They have also accused police of abusing minors held for up to 48 hours, alleging insults, beatings and depriving them of food and sleep. “That’s on top of the repression witnessed at protests themselves,” said Pascual, referring to police’s ample use of “non-lethal” weapons that have maimed dozens of protesters. “When attending a protest can result in being teargassed, injured or ending up in jail, quite a few people are likely to stay away.”