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塞尔维亚学生挑战武契奇,寻求在提前选举中终结14年统治Serbia's students take on Vucic, look to end 14-year rule in snap elections

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一场造成16人死亡的铁路灾难在塞尔维亚引发了学生主导的反腐败起义。近两年后,这场运动将战斗推向了选票箱,推出了250名没有选举政治背景的候选人,旨在终结亚历山大·武契奇长达12年的执政。

A railway disaster that killed 16 people sparked a student-led revolt against corruption in Serbia. Nearly two years later, the movement is taking its fight to the ballot box, fielding 250 candidates with no background in electoral politics and seeking to end Aleksandar Vucic's 12-year grip on power.

塞尔维亚即将迎来一场高风险的议会选举,一场大规模的学生主导运动正寻求终结亚历山大·武契奇长达12年的执政,并重塑该国的政治版图。周日的投票标志着这位长期执政的领导人自其塞尔维亚前进党(SNS)于2012年上台以来面临的最严峻挑战。

Serbia is heading into a high-stakes parliamentary election, with a mass student-led movement seeking to end Aleksandar Vucic’s 12-year grip on power and reshape the country’s political landscape. The vote on Sunday marks the most serious challenge the long-serving leader has faced since his Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) came to power in 2012.

这场挑战的核心是“学生名单”,该团体源于近两年来的反腐败抗议,抗议缘起于2024年11月1日诺维萨德火车站一处混凝土雨棚坍塌事故造成16人死亡。

At the heart of the challenge is the Student List, a group that emerged from nearly two years of anti-corruption protests following the deaths of 16 people in the collapse of a concrete canopy at a railway station in Novi Sad on November 1, 2024.

示威者将这场灾难与基础设施工程中的涉嫌腐败和违规行为联系在一起,使其成为公众对政府愤怒的集结点。迄今为止,尚无官员被追责。

The disaster, linked by protesters to alleged corruption and irregularities in infrastructure work, became a rallying point for public anger against the government. No official has been held accountable so far.

始于学生示威的行动很快发展成为塞尔维亚一代人以来规模最大的抗议运动之一,获得了对腐败、政治干预以及他们所认为的日益专制体制感到沮丧的民众的支持。学生名单能否将抗议转化为权力?

What began as student demonstrations soon grew into one of Serbia’s largest protest movements in a generation, drawing support from people frustrated with corruption, political interference and what they see as an increasingly authoritarian system. CAN THE STUDENT LIST TURN PROTESTS INTO POWER?

如今,学生们不再仅仅从街头要求问责,而是带着一份包含250名候选人的名单将斗争带入了选票箱,这些候选人通过全国各大高校的学生主导大会选出。候选人包括学者、专业人士、演员和农民,其中许多人没有选举政治背景。

Now, instead of merely demanding accountability from the streets, the students are taking their fight to the ballot box with a list of 250 candidates selected through student-led assemblies at universities across the country. The candidates include academics, professionals, actors and farmers, many of whom have no background in electoral politics.

该名单由诺维萨德大学心脏病专家、教授伊利亚·斯尔达诺维奇领衔,尽管他并非该运动的指定领袖,且即便该团体获胜,也不会自动成为总理。

The list is headed by Ilija Srdanovic, a cardiologist and professor at Novi Sad University, although he is not the movement’s designated leader and would not automatically become prime minister if the group wins.

这场运动刻意避免采用传统的领导架构,主张集体式做法可为其指责武契奇政府助长的权力集中提供一种替代方案。

The movement has deliberately avoided a conventional leadership structure, arguing that a collective approach offers an alternative to the concentration of power it accuses Vucic’s government of encouraging.

斯尔达诺维奇在接受BBC采访时表示,他的参与是为了站在学生一边,共同争取变革。他说,这些候选人代表着文明社会的价值观,而他认为现政权已侵蚀了这些价值观。

Srdanovic, in an interview with BBC, has described his participation as a way of standing alongside students in their fight for change. The candidates, he said, represent the values of a civilised society that he believes the current regime has eroded.

对学生而言,这场选举关乎的不仅仅是用一个政党取代另一个政党。他们将竞选活动呈现为一场为问责、言论自由和公共安全而战的斗争,口号“塞尔维亚还是黑手党?”直接挑战了外界普遍认为存在的政治权力与有组织犯罪之间的联系。政府否认了腐败和犯罪关联的指控,坚称正在打击有组织犯罪。是什么在助长对武契奇政府的愤怒?

For the students, the election is about more than replacing one political party with another. They have presented their campaign as a fight for accountability, freedom of speech and public safety, with the slogan “Serbia or Mafia?” directly challenging widespread perceptions of links between political power and organised crime. The government has denied accusations of corruption and criminal connections, maintaining that it is tackling organised crime. WHAT’S FUELLING ANGER AGAINST VUCIC’S GOVT?

推动这场运动的愤怒情绪已蔓延至大学校园和抗议集会之外。在贝尔格莱德郊区克尔尼亚察,挨家挨户拉票的学生志愿者发现,居民渴望讨论从腐败到公共基础设施被忽视等一系列问题。

The anger driving the movement is visible beyond the university campuses and protest rallies. In Krnjaca, a suburb of Belgrade, student volunteers campaigning door to door found residents eager to discuss problems ranging from corruption to neglected public infrastructure.

道路维护不善、连接该郊区与贝尔格莱德市中心的一座桥梁,以及暴雨时屡屡失灵的污水系统,都是当地居民的不满之处。

Poorly maintained roads, a bridge connecting the suburb to central Belgrade and a sewage system that repeatedly fails during heavy rain were among the local grievances.

居民表示,解决其中一些问题的承诺一直未兑现,即使塞尔维亚经济在扩张,豪华汽车展厅却出现在被忽视的公共空间旁。

Residents said promises to address some of these problems had gone unfulfilled, even as Serbia’s economy expanded and luxury car showrooms appeared alongside neglected public spaces.

腐败成为反复出现的投诉。批评者还指责执政的塞尔维亚进步党(SNS)与有组织犯罪保持密切联系,政府予以否认。

Corruption emerged as a recurring complaint. Critics have also accused the ruling SNS of maintaining close links with organised crime, allegations the government rejects.

从一场铁路灾难到选票之战 这场运动的根源可追溯至2024年11月1日,当时塞尔维亚第二大城市诺维萨德火车站的一座混凝土雨棚倒塌,造成16人死亡。

FROM A RAILWAY DISASTER TO BALLOT BATTLE The movement traces its roots to November 1, 2024, when a concrete canopy collapsed at the railway station in Novi Sad, Serbia’s second-largest city, killing 16 people.

该车站近期曾作为武契奇力推的旗舰基建项目的一部分进行翻修,该项目包括连接贝尔格莱德与布达佩斯的高速铁路。

The station had recently undergone renovation as part of a flagship infrastructure project championed by Vucic, which included a high-speed railway link between Belgrade and Budapest.

据报道,这场悲剧引发了大规模抗议,抗议活动在全国蔓延,起因是在贝尔格莱德为遇难者举行守夜活动的学生遭到一伙据称与执政党有关联的人员袭击。

The tragedy sparked widespread protests, which spread nationwide after students holding a vigil for the victims in Belgrade were attacked by a group linked to the ruling party, according to reports.

随着运动声势壮大,学生们与既有在野党保持距离,并拒绝采用传统的领导架构。

As the movement gained momentum, the students kept their distance from established opposition parties and resisted adopting a conventional leadership structure.

这种做法也帮助他们避免了内斗和人身攻击,而这些往往削弱了塞尔维亚的反对派运动。

That approach has also helped them avoid the political infighting and personal attacks that have often weakened opposition movements in Serbia.

通过推出来自不同专业背景的候选人,“学生名单”希望将自己呈现为既有政治秩序的替代选择,而不仅仅是另一个在野党。

By putting forward candidates from different professional backgrounds, the Student List hopes to present itself as an alternative to the established political order rather than simply another opposition party.

武契奇在提前大选上的大赌注 自2012年以来先后担任副总理、总理和总统的武契奇,依然是一位强劲的对手。支持者将持续的经济增长和现代化建设归功于他,其中包括对高速公路、铁路、学校和医院的投资。

VUCIC’S BIG BET ON SNAP POLLS Vucic, who has served as deputy prime minister, prime minister and president since 2012, remains a formidable opponent. Supporters credit him with sustained economic growth and modernisation, including investments in highways, railways, schools and hospitals.

他在相当一部分选民中的吸引力,建立在一位捍卫塞尔维亚国家利益的强人领袖形象之上。

His appeal among a significant section of the electorate rests on the image of a strong leader who protects Serbia’s national interests.

然而,批评者指责其政府削弱了民主制度、主导了媒体格局,且未能就火车站灾难确保问责。

However, critics say his government has weakened democratic institutions, dominated the media landscape and failed to ensure accountability over the railway station disaster.

武契奇于9月辞去总统职务,距其根据宪法规定的第二个也是最后一个任期结束还有五个月,此举旨在参加大选、争取再次出任总理。

Vucic stepped down as president in September, five months before the end of his second and final term under the constitution, to contest the election with the aim of returning as prime minister.

通过宣布提前大选,他似乎意在在学生运动巩固其政治挑战之前,寻求一个新的授权。

By calling snap elections, he appeared to be seeking a fresh mandate before the student movement could consolidate its political challenge.

然而,学生们仍在继续竞选,在集会上吸引大量人群,并将诉求直接传递给选民。据报道,他们在贝尔格莱德斯拉维亚广场举行的最后一次竞选集会吸引了约15万人,而塞尔维亚进步党(SNS)则举办了自己的活动,由武契奇作为唯一演讲者。

The students, however, have continued to campaign, drawing large crowds at rallies and taking their message directly to voters. Their final campaign gathering in Belgrade’s Slavija Square reportedly attracted around 150,000 people, while the SNS held its own event with Vucic as the sole speaker.

这种截然不同的竞选风格反映了选民面临的核心抉择:是围绕一位强势领袖构建的政治体制,还是一个承诺集体决策、并与既定政治惯例决裂的运动。

The contrasting campaign styles reflect the central choice facing voters: a political system built around a dominant leader or a movement that promises collective decision-making and a break from established political practices.

与此同时,武契奇试图将学生运动描绘为受外国势力支持,指责其支持者企图破坏国家稳定。学生们已否认这些指控。执政党还因媒体偏袒以及在以往选举中利用公共资源而面临批评。

Meanwhile, Vucic has sought to portray the student movement as foreign-backed, accusing its supporters of trying to destabilise the state. The students have rejected those allegations. The ruling party has also faced criticism over media bias and the use of public resources during previous elections.

武契奇与学生陷入胶着角逐 选举结果仍难以预测。民意调查结果差异巨大,部分调查显示学生领先,另一些则显示执政党领先。

VUCIC, STUDENTS IN A NECK-AND-NECK RACE The election outcome remains difficult to predict. Opinion polls have varied widely, with some surveys placing the students ahead and others showing the ruling party in front.

周四发布的益普索(Ipsos)民调显示,塞尔维亚进步党支持率为47%,学生名单为40%;而塞尔维亚研究、透明度与问责中心与斯坦福大学较早前联合进行的一项调查则发现学生获得更多支持。

An Ipsos poll published on Thursday put the SNS at 47 per cent and the Student List at 40 per cent, while an earlier survey by Serbia’s Centre for Research, Transparency and Accountability and Stanford University found greater support for the students.

相互矛盾的数据凸显了这场可能成为塞尔维亚政治转折点的竞选所笼罩的不确定性。分析人士警告,若结果胶着,再加上对结果合法性的争议,可能增加投票后发生动荡的风险。

The competing figures underline the uncertainty surrounding a contest that could mark a turning point in Serbian politics. Analysts have warned that a close result, coupled with disputes over the legitimacy of the outcome, could raise the risk of unrest after voting.

国际选举观察员报告称,在2023年议会选举中,执政党拥有压倒性优势,理由是媒体报道不平等以及滥用公职和公共资源。

International election observers reported an overwhelming advantage for the ruling party in the 2023 parliamentary election, citing unequal media coverage and the misuse of public office and resources.

这场政治角逐也关乎塞尔维亚的国际关系。武契奇在欧盟、俄罗斯和中国之间寻求平衡,既保持与莫斯科和北京的联系,又保留加入欧盟的前景。

The political contest also carries implications for Serbia’s international relationships. Vucic has pursued a balancing act between the European Union, Russia and China, maintaining ties with Moscow and Beijing while keeping the prospect of EU membership open.

“学生名单”主要聚焦国内议题,对其外交政策优先事项披露较少。武契奇质疑该运动是否会维持塞尔维亚与俄罗斯、中国的关系,警告政府更迭可能使这些关系面临风险。

The Student List has focused primarily on domestic issues and has offered fewer details about its foreign policy priorities. Vucic has questioned whether the movement would maintain Serbia’s relationships with Russia and China, warning that a change in government could put those ties at risk.

对学生而言,当前首要任务依然是打击腐败、恢复问责制、改善公共机构运作。他们的挑战在于,将大规模抗议运动的声势转化为足以撼动主导塞尔维亚政治十余年的领导人的选举支持力度。

For the students, the immediate priority remains tackling corruption, restoring accountability and improving the functioning of public institutions. Their challenge is to translate the energy of a mass protest movement into electoral support strong enough to dislodge a leader who has dominated Serbian politics for more than a decade.

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