在许多方面，希拉·芬隆都是那种浪漫想象中至今几乎依然存在的以色列人的象征。她是一位农民，住在加沙边境一个名为莫沙夫的小社区里，属于左翼。她曾相信和平。
In many ways Hila Fenlon is a symbol of the Israeli of the romantic imagination which just about still exists. A farmer who lives in a small community – a moshav – on the border with Gaza, she is of the Left. She believed in peace.
她的社区曾搬迁过一次——从西奈沙漠迁出——当时以色列为与埃及实现和平而放弃土地。她愿意再次为和平放弃土地。但她认为短期内不会发生这种情况。她担任社区领袖的内蒂夫哈阿萨拉莫沙夫，是“加沙外围”地区距离边境最近的村庄，距巴勒斯坦领土仅400米。
Her community moved once – from the Sinai desert – when Israel gave up land for peace with Egypt. She would willingly give up land for peace again. But she doesn’t see that happening any time soon. The moshav Netiv HaAsara, for which she is the community leader, is the closest village to the border in the area known as the Gaza envelope – 400m from Palestinian territory.
村里有一道高墙，但任何关于加沙火箭弹来袭的警报都来不及让人进入安全室。2023年10月7日，哈马斯恐怖分子乘滑翔伞飞入她的基布兹，在一场惨烈的战斗中杀害了她社区的20人。与环绕加沙的许多理想主义社会主义社区的人一样，希拉不喜欢总理本雅明·“比比”·内塔尼亚胡。我们见面的前一晚，她参加了一场反对他的抗议活动，在周二的选举中她将投票给中左翼的民主党人。
It had a high wall, but any alert about incoming rockets from Gaza would be too late to reach a safe room. On October 7, 2023, Hamas terrorists flew into her kibbutz on paragliders and killed 20 of her community in a bitter fight. Like many in the idealistic socialist communities which surrounded Gaza, Hila is not a fan of prime minister Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu. The night before we meet she was at a protest against him and she’ll be voting for the centre-Left Democrats in Tuesday’s election.
但希拉象征着这样一个事实：尽管这个国家可能在许多方面存在分歧——关于内塔尼亚胡本人、极端正统派拒绝服兵役、司法改革、是否需要对10月7日的失职展开调查，以及极端定居者的恐怖主义——但在涉及外部威胁时，他们异口同声。
But Hila symbolises how, while this country might be divided on many lines – on Netanyahu himself, the ultra-orthodox refusal of the military draft, judicial reform, the need for an inquiry into the failings of October 7, and extremist settler terrorism – they speak with one voice when it comes to external threats.
而他们讲述的关于10月7日爆发的边境冲突的故事，与威斯敏斯特和西方世界各首都发表的许多声明相比，感觉相隔万里。
And the story they tell of their border conflicts, which erupted on October 7, is one which feels a million miles away from the many pronouncements made by Westminster and capitals in the western world.
埃德·米利班德可能曾引以为傲地坚称，他对以色列实施政治上方便的制裁，是为了确保两国方案不会被以色列定居点摧毁。但当我随着选民前往投票站，走访以色列各地时，发现即便是最乐观的热爱和平的以色列人，也难以看到巴勒斯坦国在本世纪内实现的希望。
Ed Miliband may have proudly insisted that his politically convenient sanctions on Israel were to ensure that the two-state solution could not be destroyed by Israeli settlements. But, as I travel around Israel as voters go to the polls, it seems even the most optimistic peace-loving Israeli struggles to see the idea of a Palestinian state happening in this generation.
我们议会花费大量时间对此次冲突的修辞大做文章——而这个问题我们完全无力影响——与地面现实之间的脱节，令人震惊。在现实中，哈马斯正在加沙重新集结，并在约旦河西岸日益获得支持。两者看起来像是两场完全不同的冲突。
The disconnect between the rhetoric about this conflict that our Parliament spends so much time blustering over – time on a subject we have absolutely no influence over – and the reality on the ground, where Hamas is once again regrouping in Gaza and gaining popularity in the West Bank, is staggering. They could be two completely different conflicts.
希拉给我看一张照片，照片上是哈马斯在面对她的农场村庄的一个观察哨上张贴的、用蹩脚希伯来语写成的海报：“内蒂夫哈阿萨拉，很快将从西奈和巴勒斯坦消失。你们的毁灭近在眼前。”他们的意图始终显而易见。
Hila shows me a photo of a poster Hamas had put up in broken Hebrew on an observation post facing her moshav. “Netiv HaAsara, out of the Sinai and out of Palestine soon. Your destruction is near.”Their intention was always clear.
在10月7日之前，大多数以色列人相信所谓的“遏制”或“概念”理念：允许哈马斯自由统治加沙，相信无论他们关于摧毁以色列的言辞多么恶劣，无论他们定期发射多少枚火箭弹，他们都不想真正发动一场战争。直到他们真的发动了战争。
Before October 7, most of Israel believed the consensus or “conceptzia” idea of containment: to allow Hamas the freedom to rule Gaza, believing that however bad their rhetoric about wanting to destroy Israel, however many rockets they periodically sent over, they didn’t really want to start a war. Until they did.
如今，对大多数以色列人来说，无论其政治倾向如何，眼罩都已摘下。尽管我们通过特定的视角——巴勒斯坦人的苦难——来看待这场冲突，但那只是画面的一小部分。放大视野，你会看到哈马斯在约旦河西岸势力壮大却未解除武装，一个激进化的人口，以及受创但未被击垮的伊朗，仍然一心要摧毁这个国家。
And now for most Israelis, whatever their political persuasion, the blinkers are off. And as much as we see the conflict through a particular lens – through the suffering of the Palestinians – that is just a small part of the picture. Zoom out and you see Hamas growing in power in the West Bank without having disarmed, a radicalised population, and Iran – hurt but not broken – still intent on destroying the country.
许多以色列人认为，西方人和他们一样戴着同样的有色眼镜，对那些怀有如此仇恨的敌人视而不见。而对周围威胁视而不见，反而助长了这种威胁，既针对以色列人，也针对西方人本身。“只要我听到来自欧洲和美国的声音说哈马斯是合法组织，他们只是想要解放本国人民的自由战士，我就知道，我和加沙地带的人都不可能拥有更好的未来，”希拉说。
Many Israelis feel that we in the West have on the same blinkers that blinded them to the enemies who harboured so much hatred. And that by being blind to the threat around us, we are encouraging it against them and ourselves. “As long as I hear voices coming Europe and America saying that Hamas is a legitimate organisation and they are only freedom fighters who want to liberate their people, I know there is no way for both me and the people in Gaza to have a better future,” says Hila.
“我们会被这个故事所缠住，而发生的一切只是哈马斯在获取资金和权力。”阿隆·大维迪的呼吁更加有力地回应了这一观点。他是支持内塔尼亚胡的塞德罗特市长，塞德罗特是加沙地带最近的城市，自2007年哈马斯接管该地以来，该城市一直承受着来自加沙地带的定期火箭弹袭击，但自与哈马斯停火以来，其人口增长了10%。
“We will be tangled in that story and all that is happening is Hamas is gaining its money and power.”Her cry is echoed even more forcefully from Alon Davidi, the Netanyahu-supporting mayor of Sderot, the nearest city to Gaza which had endured regular rockets from the Strip since Hamas took over in 2007 but has seen a 10 per cent rise in its population since the ceasefire with Hamas.
“由于穆斯林兄弟会在伦敦的影响力，我为你们担心，不为我自己担心，”他警告道。“要理解伊斯兰激进组织真的想要消灭你们，这是一个挑战。”但理解并不能解决重大问题。这些是以色列人最关心的问题，尽管他们在内部事务上分歧巨大：以色列过去三年一直在忍受的战争，与哈马斯、黎巴嫩的真主党、也门的胡塞武装以及伊朗——这三个恐怖组织的最终幕后操纵者——作战。
“With the Muslim Brotherhood influence in London, I am afraid for you, not for me,” he warned. “There is a challenge in understanding that the Islamist radical organisations really want to finish you.”But understanding doesn’t solve the big issues. These are the issues that Israelis, as divided as they are on internal affairs, are mostly concerned by: the wars that Israel has been enduring for the past three years with Hamas, with Hezbollah in Lebanon, with the Houthis in Yemen and with Iran – the ultimate ringmaster of the three terrorist groups.
目前，这些冲突或许都在平静地潜伏，而非激烈爆发，但它们并未消失。
All may be simmering quietly at the moment, rather than raging, but they have not gone away.
所以，如果内塔尼亚胡——这个人主导了导致10月7日袭击的情报失误，允许其联盟中的极端分子拥有危险的权力，忽视了人质家属的恳求，并监督了其国家在西方国家日益被视为弃儿的过程——赢得选举，原因就在于此。
So if Netanyahu – the man who presided over the intelligence failures that precipitated October 7, who allowed the extremists in his coalition to have a dangerous amount of power, who ignored the pleas of the hostage families and who oversaw his country becoming increasingly regarded as a pariah in Western countries – wins the election it is for this reason.
尽管如此，许多以色列人仍然觉得有他在会更安全。唐纳德·特朗普对他的背书，感觉就像是保证了美国至少在这位美国总统任期的最后两年里会给予支持。
Many Israelis still feel safer with him despite everything. His endorsement from Donald Trump feels like a guarantee of America’s support for at least the final two years of the US president’s term.
而如果他们选择他的主要对手加迪·艾森科特——一位前以色列国防军总参谋长，被认为同样鹰派但没有那些包袱——那也不会是因为他对巴勒斯坦问题有不同看法，而是因为那不过是换汤不换药。
And if they choose his main rival, Gadi Eisenkot – a former IDF chief who is seen as just as hawkish but without the baggage – it won’t be because he looks at the Palestinian issue in a different light, but because it will be more of the same.
以色列人看到，哈马斯仍然是一个不会自行消失的危险，无论西方政府多少次假装几句严厉的话就能解决问题。“我们想要和平，我们当然想，”希拉说。“我们不希望我们的子孙在炸弹和火箭的阴影下长大。但当你没有和平伙伴时，又怎么实现和平呢？”
Israelis see that Hamas is still a danger which won’t disappear by itself, however many times Western governments pretend a few stern words will do the trick. “We want peace, of course we do,” says Hila. “We don’t want our children and grandchildren to grow up under the shadow of bombs and rockets. But how do you have peace when there is no partner for it?”