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以色列如何打破选举僵局?How can Israel break its election deadlock?

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2026年10月29日,以色列左翼活动人士在赫兹利亚亚沙尔党领袖加迪·艾森科特住宅外举行示威,举着标语牌,呼吁组建包括阿拉伯政党在内的政府[法新社]Israeli left-wing activists hold placards during a demonstration outside the home of Gadi Eisenkot, leader of the Yashar party, in Herzliya on October 29, 2026, calling for the formation of a government that includes Arab parties [AFP]

以色列大选没有出现明显的赢家,这引发了外界对哪个政党可能组建下一届政府的猜测。

No clear winner has emerged from Israel’s election , raising speculation over which party could form the next government.

周五早些时候,中央选举委员会公布了10月27日投票的最终结果,投票率高达77.9%。

Early on Friday, the Central Elections Committee (CEC) published the final results of the October 27 vote, which had a high voter turnout of 77.9 percent.

无论是以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡的阵营,还是由加迪·艾森科特领导的反对派阵营,都没有获得组建政府所需的多数席位。两位领导人也排除了与代表以色列巴勒斯坦公民的两个主要选举名单——联合阿拉伯名单(拉姆)和联合名单——合作的可能性。那么,以色列如何才能打破其政治僵局?以下是我们所知道的情况:所有选票都清点完毕了吗?

Neither Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s bloc nor the opposition grouping led by Gadi Eisenkot has secured the majority necessary to form a government. Both leaders have also ruled out working with the two main electoral lists representing Palestinian citizens of Israel – the United Arab List (Ra’am) and the Joint List. So how can Israel break its political deadlock? Here’s what we know: Have all votes been counted?

是的。周四,至少50万张来自士兵和外交官的“双层信封”选票被清点完毕。这些选民使用两个信封:第一个信封里装的是不含任何身份信息的选票,第二个信封上则写有他们的个人信息。匿名信封被放入第二个信封内,这样官员们既能核查选民没有在其他地方投票,又不会损害他们投票选择的保密性。最终结果如何?

Yes. On Thursday, at least 500,000 “double envelope” votes which came in from soldiers and diplomats were counted. These voters use two envelopes: the first contains their ballot without any identifying information, while the second bears their personal details. The anonymous envelope is placed inside the second envelope, allowing officials to check that voters have not cast ballots elsewhere, without compromising the secrecy of their choice. What was the final result?

内塔尼亚胡的阵营在拥有120个席位的议会中获得了53个席位,而由加迪·艾森科特领导的反对派阵营赢得了48个席位。联合阿拉伯名单(拉姆)和联合名单合计获得了19个席位。

Netanyahu’s bloc secured 53 seats in the 120-member Knesset, while the opposition bloc led by Gadi Eisenkot won 48 seats. The United Arab List, or Ra’am, and the Joint List secured a combined 19 seats.

要组建政府,一个政党必须至少拥有61个席位。从未有单一政党赢得过这一多数席位,结盟促成了由一位总理领导的执政联盟。接下来会发生什么?据报道,组建联盟的政治磋商正在进行中。

To form a government, a political party must hold at least 61 seats. No single party has ever won that majority and alliances have led to governing coalitions, with a prime minister at the helm. What happens next? Political consultations to form a coalition are reported to be under way.

如果这一进程失败,以色列总统艾萨克·赫尔佐格可以选择哪位候选人最有可能组建政府。该候选人随后有大约28天的时间来完成组阁——这一期限可以延长。

If the process fails, Israeli President Isaac Herzog could choose which candidate has the best chance to form a government. That candidate is then given about 28 days to do so – a period that could be extended.

如果候选人失败,总统随后可以另选他人。如果该候选人无法组建政府,则将开启一个21天的窗口期,在此期间,以色列议会的61名议员可以向赫尔佐格提交请求,将组阁任务交给某位议员。是否可能再次举行选举?

If the candidate fails, the president can then choose another. If that candidate is unable to form a government, then a 21-day window opens in which 61 members of the Knesset can submit a request to Herzog to assign the task to a Knesset member. Is a second election possible?

是的,因为如果上述所有程序均告失败,以色列人将不得不重新投票。是否考虑让阿拉伯政党参与联盟?许多以色列领导人已拒绝与阿拉伯人领导的政党合作的想法。

Yes, because if all the processes listed above fail, Israelis will have to return to the polls. Are Arab parties being considered for coalitions? Many Israeli leaders have rejected the idea of partnering with Arab-led parties .

内塔尼亚胡已排除与他们合作的可能性,并在他们表现强劲后对其加以妖魔化。“禁止与他们组建政府,”内塔尼亚胡周五在X上发文称。

Netanyahu has ruled out working alongside them and demonised them following their strong showing. “It is forbidden to form a government with them,” Netanyahu posted on X on Friday.

在内塔尼亚胡自己的联盟失去多数席位后,其领导的利库德集团指责阿拉伯人领导的政党“窃取”了选举。

Netanyahu’s Likud party has accused the Arab-led parties of “stealing” the election, after his own coalition lost its majority.

以色列左翼活动人士呼吁组建包括阿拉伯人领导政党在内的政府 [法新社]据《以色列时报》本周报道,艾森科特表示,他只会考虑与任何承认以色列为犹太和民主国家、认同《独立宣言》价值观并承诺所有以色列人服国民役的政党合作。他未说明阿拉伯人领导的政党是否符合这些标准。

Israeli left-wing activists call for a government that includes Arab-led parties [AFP] According to a Times of Israel report this week, Eisenkot has said he would only consider partnering with any party that recognises Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, endorses the values of the Declaration of Independence and commits to all Israelis performing national service. He has not said whether the Arab-led parties would meet those criteria.

以色列左翼活动人士呼吁组建包括阿拉伯人领导政党在内的政府[法新社]Israeli left-wing activists call for a government that includes Arab-led parties [AFP]

周四,另一位反对派人物、极右翼政党“以色列我们的家园”领导人阿维格多·利伯曼也排除了某些联盟组合。“既不要比比,也不要蒂比,”他说,使用了内塔尼亚胡的昵称,并提及了联合名单中塔阿勒党领导人艾哈迈德·蒂比。阿拉伯政党的立场如何?阿拉伯政党已表示有兴趣与反内塔尼亚胡的派系合作。

On Thursday, another opposition figure, Avigdor Lieberman, the hard-right leader of Yisrael Beytenu, also ruled out certain coalitions. “Neither Bibi nor Tibi”, he said, using Netanyahu’s nickname and invoking Ahmad Tibi, leader of the Ta’al party – part of the Joint List. Where do the Arab parties stand? The Arab parties have shown interest in partnering with anti-Netanyahu factions.

联合名单的优素福·贾巴林表示,他的政党已准备好“推翻内塔尼亚胡政府”,他称该政府是“流血”政府之一。

Yousef Jabareen from the Joint List said that his party was ready for the “ousting of the Netanyahu government”, which he called one of “bloodshed”.

“面对一种至上主义、种族主义和排斥的政治,我们提供了一个完全不同的替代方案。变革将通过犹太人与阿拉伯人的伙伴关系实现,一种真正且平等的伙伴关系,”他在X上写道。

“Against a politics of supremacy, racism, and exclusion, we offer a completely different alternative. The change comes through Jewish-Arab partnership, a true and equal partnership,” he wrote on X.

政治分析人士艾哈迈德·纳贾尔表示,代表以色列巴勒斯坦公民的政党展现出了比艾森科特及其大多数盟友 considerably 更为务实的姿态。

Political analyst Ahmed Najar said the parties representing Palestinian citizens of Israel have shown considerably more pragmatism than Eisenkot and most of his allies.

“拉阿姆党已表示愿意加入由艾森科特领导的政府,而联合名单则保留了从联盟外部支持少数派政府的可能性,前提是这种支持能在平等、巴勒斯坦社区的暴力犯罪、房屋拆除以及更广泛的巴勒斯坦问题的政治出路方面带来实质性承诺,”他说。阿拉伯政党能打破政治僵局吗?分析人士认为,现在下结论还为时过早。

“Ra’am has indicated that it is open to participating in an Eisenkot-led government, while the Joint List has left open the possibility of supporting a minority government from outside the coalition, provided that such support delivers meaningful commitments on equality, violent crime in Palestinian communities, home demolitions and a political pathway for the wider Palestinian question,” he said. Can Arab parties break the political deadlock? It is still too soon to say, according to analysts.

“对任何一方来说,席位数字都对不上,”埃塞克斯大学讲师、以色列投票行为和选举策略专家罗伊·祖尔告诉半岛电视台。“然而,有传言称艾森科特将在政府授职投票中寻求阿拉伯政党的支持,以换取对其社区的财政投资。但这在双方都不太可能,而且即使双方都推进这一想法,也可能因利伯曼反对而落空。”

“The numbers don’t add up for any side,” Roi Zur, a lecturer at Essex University and specialist in Israeli voting behaviour and election strategies, told Al Jazeera. “However, there are rumours that Eisenkot will ask for the support of the Arab parties in a government investiture vote in return for financial investment in their communities. Yet, this is unlikely on both sides, and even if both sides go forward with this idea, it might fall due to Lieberman objecting to the idea.”

祖尔表示,如果艾森科特“变革阵营”中的四个政党更接近多数,外部支持的可能性会更大,因为拉阿姆被视为一个更“温和”的阿拉伯政党。“那样的话,欧洲式的信任与供应协议就更有可能,”他补充道。

Zur said that if the four parties in Eisenkot’s “change bloc” were closer to a majority, outside support would have been more likely because Ra’am is perceived as a more “moderate” Arab party. “Then a European-style confidence-and-supply agreement would be more probable,” he added.

驻柏林政治分析人士尼姆罗德·弗拉申贝格告诉半岛电视台,目前仍不清楚艾森科特是否愿意依赖拉阿姆和联合名单。

Nimrod Flaschenberg, a Berlin-based political analyst, told Al Jazeera that it is still unclear whether Eisenkot is willing to rely on Ra‘am and the Joint List.

“如果艾森科特愿意进行这样的合作,那么有三种选择:第一种是以色列阿拉伯政党可以成为政府的一部分。这是拉阿姆党想要的;联合名单党在现阶段不想要这个。第二种选择是它们可以成为联盟成员,但不担任任何政府席位。这就是拉阿姆党在2021至2022年贝内特政府中的角色,”他说。

“If Eisenkot will be willing to go for such cooperation, then there are three options: The first is the Israeli-Arab parties could be part of the government. This is what Ra‘am wants; the Joint List does not want this at this stage. The second option is they could be a coalition member but without any government seats. This is what Ra‘am was in the Bennet government from 2021-2022,” he said.

“第三种选择是它们可以从外部提供支持,作为一个预防性集团,不投票推翻政府。大多数人预测,如果出现这样的政府,它将把拉阿姆党纳入联盟,并在外部依靠联合名单党,”他补充说。

“The third option is they could support from the outside as a preventive bloc that does not vote down the government. Most predict that if there is such a government, it will include Ra‘am in the coalition and will rely on the Joint List from the outside,” he added.

巴勒斯坦政治分析人士纳贾尔表示,现阶段的真正障碍不是阿拉伯政党缺乏务实态度,而是“艾森科特及其几位伙伴拒绝承认以色列的巴勒斯坦公民——以及他们选出的19名代表——为合法的政治伙伴”。

Palestinian political analyst Najar said that the real obstacle at this stage is not a lack of pragmatism from Arab parties, but rather “the refusal of Eisenkot and several of his partners to recognise Palestinian citizens of Israel – and the 19 representatives they elected – as legitimate political partners”.

“选举在内塔尼亚胡阵营之外产生了67个席位,但以色列的政治体制继续表现得好像其中19个席位并不完全算数。艾森科特想要巴勒斯坦人的选票来推翻内塔尼亚胡,同时坚持建立一个‘犹太复国主义政府’,将那些同样选民的代表排除在外,”他指出。

“The election produced 67 seats outside Netanyahu’s bloc, but Israel’s political system continues to behave as though 19 of those seats do not fully count. Eisenkot wants Palestinian votes to remove Netanyahu while insisting on a ‘Zionist government’ that excludes the representatives of those same voters,” he noted.

“这不仅仅是联盟算术的问题;它暴露了一个深刻的民主矛盾。巴勒斯坦公民被允许投票,但当他们的选票变得具有决定性时,他们的政治合法性立即受到质疑,”他补充说。内塔尼亚胡有哪些选择?

“That is not merely coalition arithmetic; it exposes a profound democratic contradiction. Palestinian citizens are permitted to vote, but when their votes become decisive, their political legitimacy is immediately questioned,” he added. What options does Netanyahu have?

查塔姆研究所中东和北非项目高级顾问研究员约西·梅克尔伯格表示,为了保住权力,总理仍有可能组建联盟。

To keep power, the prime minister could yet form a coalition, according to Yossi Mekelberg, a senior consulting fellow with the Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House.

“他可以尝试说服艾森科特和其他人与他组建联盟,与此同时,他可以否定阿拉伯政党的合法性,使组建替代政府变得困难,”他告诉半岛电视台。

“He can try and persuade Eisenkot and others to form a coalition with him and in the meantime he can delegitimise the Arab parties to make it difficult to form an alternative government,” he told Al Jazeera.

2026年10月27日,以色列大选期间,在被占领的约旦河西岸的基里亚特阿尔巴定居点,以色列定居者在一所作为投票站的学校排队投票。[莱奥·科雷亚/美联社]弗拉申贝格说,内塔尼亚胡很可能会推动再次举行选举。

Israeli settlers line up to vote at a school serving as a polling station during Israel’s general election in the settlement of Kiryat Arba, in the occupied West Bank, October 27, 2026 [Leo Correa/AP] Flaschenberg said Netanyahu will likely push for another round of elections.

2026年10月27日,以色列大选期间,以色列定居者在被占领的约旦河西岸定居点基里亚特阿巴的一所用作投票站的学校排队投票[利奥·科雷亚/美联社]Israeli settlers line up to vote at a school serving as a polling station during Israel’s general election in the settlement of Kiryat Arba, in the occupied West Bank, October 27, 2026 [Leo Correa/AP]

“按照他的盘算,阿拉伯人不会像以前那样出来投票,反对派也会灰心丧气、停滞不前。他相信,在另一轮选举中,他的阵营可能获得61个席位。”他说。

“In his calculation – the Arabs will not turn out as before and the opposition would be discouraged and stagnant. He believes that in another round of elections his bloc could get to 61,” he said.

“内塔尼亚胡正在努力的另一个选项是,从‘变革’阵营中争取一两个政党加入他的政府。最可能的是贝内特和利伯曼。但目前看来,他们似乎不会加入他。”他补充道。巴勒斯坦人如何看待这种僵局?

“The other option that [Netanyahu] is working on is getting one or two parties from the Change bloc to join his government. Most likely Bennet and Liberman. But at the moment it doesn’t look like they are going to join him,” he added. How do Palestinians view the deadlock?

半岛电视台的努尔·奥德在被占领的约旦河西岸拉姆安拉报道,称这次选举是“巴勒斯坦裔以色列人的一个关乎存亡的时刻”。

Al Jazeera’s Nour Odeh, reporting from Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, called the election “an existential moment for Palestinian Israelis”.

巴勒斯坦分析人士纳贾尔说,对以色列的巴勒斯坦公民而言,这一结果既是成就,也是考验。

Palestinian analyst Najar said that for Palestinian citizens of Israel, the result represents both an achievement and a test.

“他们大量出来投票,获得了前所未有的代表权,现在或许有能力阻止内塔尼亚胡再次组建政府。然而,他们再次被告知,只有这些选票没有转化为真正的政治权力,才是可以接受的。”他说。

“They turned out in large numbers, secured unprecedented representation and may now have the power to prevent another Netanyahu government. Yet they are again being told that their votes are acceptable only if they do not translate into real political power,” he said.

“然而,对于加沙、被占领的约旦河西岸和东耶路撒冷的巴勒斯坦人来说,几乎没有理由将此视为占领与和平之间,或压迫与平等之间的较量。这主要是一场关于谁将治理以色列、以色列将如何展现自己的斗争——而不是巴勒斯坦人是否将继续生活在军事占领、定居点扩张、剥夺和系统性不平等之下。”他补充道。

“For Palestinians in Gaza, the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, however, there is little reason to see this as a contest between occupation and peace, or between oppression and equality. It is principally a struggle over who will govern Israel and how Israel will present itself — not whether Palestinians will continue to live under military occupation, settlement expansion, dispossession and systemic inequality,” he added.

“但巴勒斯坦人将以政策而非个性来评判任何继任者——是否结束加沙的种族灭绝,停止定居点扩张和定居者暴力,并承认巴勒斯坦人的自由和自决权。”他说。

“But Palestinians will judge any successor by policy, not personality – whether it ends the genocide in Gaza, stops settlement expansion and settler violence, and recognises Palestinian freedom and self-determination,” he said.

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