
大约一周前,《纽约时报》的民调数据首席分析师内特·科恩梳理了中期选举的四种可能情形。其中第四种无疑是共和党最糟糕的情景。
About a week ago, The New York Times’ Nate Cohn, the newspaper’s top elections data analyst, reviewed four possible scenarios for the midterm elections. The fourth was easily the worst-case scenario for the Republican Party.
科恩写道,在这种情景下,民主党将赢得众议院的绝对多数,“或许能拿到250个席位”,并在参议院拿下53席或更多,标志着“美国政治新篇章的开端”。
In this scenario, Cohn wrote, Democrats would win a large majority in the House, “maybe 250 seats,” and 53 or more Senate seats, marking “the beginning of a new chapter of American politics.”
分析还写道:“在当今这个极化时代,很难相信任何政党能赢得这种海啸般的胜利。”随着2026年选举日的尘埃落定,根据MS NOW的预测,民主党有望至少拿下250个众议院席位和至少54个参议院席位。那个看似“难以相信”的结果,真的发生了。
“In today’s polarized era,” the analysis added, “it can be hard to believe that any party could win in this kind of tsunami.”As the dust settles on Election Day 2026, according to MS NOW’s projections, Democrats are on track to hold at least 250 House seats and at least 54 Senate seats. The outcome that seemed “hard to believe” has actually happened.
民主党胜选的幅度之大令人震惊,以至于整个政界都在绞尽脑汁寻找最贴切的灾难比喻。“浪潮”很常见,但力度不够。“海啸”可以,我也看到许多以“地震”为标题的报道。知名保守派杂志《国家评论》用了“哈米吉多顿”,确实颇具戏剧色彩;《Punchbowl News》则采用了相关的主题,将结果描述为“对唐纳德·特朗普总统在国会山的政党而言,这是一场灭绝级别的事件”。在接下来的数小时、数天、数周乃至数月里,共和党人将努力消化这场历史性的惨败,纠结于各种反事实的“如果当初”问题。
The magnitude of the Democratic victories is so stunning that the political world is struggling to settle on the best disaster metaphor. “Wave” is common but insufficient. “Tsunami” works, and I’ve seen a lot of “earthquake” headlines. The National Review, a prominent conservative magazine, went with “Armageddon,” which certainly brought a dramatic flair, and Punchbowl News embraced a related theme, describing the results as “an extinction-level event for President Donald Trump’s party on Capitol Hill.”In the coming hours, days, weeks and months, Republicans will try to absorb their historic smackdown, fixating on counterfactual “what if” questions.
如果特朗普把头两年用在边境安全和打高尔夫上,同时让拜登时代强劲的经济继续平稳运转,会怎样?
What if Trump had spent his first two years working on border security and his golf game, while letting the strong Biden-era economy continue to hum along?
如果“解放日”没有发生,白宫没有出台贸易关税,经济本可以在2025年正常增长、不受共和党强加的通胀影响,又会怎样?
What if “Liberation Day” hadn’t happened, there had been no White House trade tariffs and the economy had been able to grow normally in 2025 without Republican-imposed inflation?
如果,就在今年早些时候经济刚开始显露生机之际,总统却发动了一场毫无必要、致命、具有破坏性、代价高昂且不得人心的战争,并带来了包括物价上涨在内的不利连锁反应,那会怎样?
What if, just as the economy had started to show signs of life earlier this year, the president had launched a wildly unnecessary, deadly, destructive, costly and unpopular war that had adverse ripple effects, including higher prices?
或者,如果特朗普精心制定了一项相对迅速地结束战争的连贯计划,而不是任由战争拖过选举日,那又会怎样?
Or what if Trump had crafted a coherent plan to end the war relatively quickly, rather than let it drag on past Election Day?
如果由共和党领导的国会在过去22个月里的任何时候,至少假装自己是一个与之平起平坐的政府分支,那会怎样?
What if the Republican-led Congress had at least pretended to act like a coequal branch of government at any point over the past 22 months?
如果当腐败指控成为今年最重要的竞选议题之一时,国会山上的共和党人没有漠然耸肩,那会怎样?
What if Republicans on Capitol Hill hadn’t shrugged with indifference as corruption allegations became one of the year’s most important campaign issues?
如果白宫推行的驱逐议程只针对暴力重罪犯,而不是守法的纳税人,那会怎样?如果政府没有让戴着面罩的联邦移民探员恐吓社区,那会怎样?
What if the White House had pursued a deportation agenda focused only on violent felons instead of law-abiding taxpayers? What if the administration hadn’t terrorized communities with masked federal immigration agents?
如果,随着2026年选举周期在劳工节后正式展开,共和党人没有刻意决定把这场选举变成对一位历史上不受欢迎的总统的公投,还举办了一场毫无意义的中期大会,会上播放了一段真正带有邪教色彩的“上帝赐予我们特朗普”视频,并宣誓效忠总统,那会怎样?
What if, as the 2026 election cycle got underway in earnest after Labor Day, Republicans hadn’t deliberately decided to make the race a referendum on a historically unpopular president, complete with a pointless midterm convention that featured a genuinely cultish “God gave us Trump” video and a pledge of allegiance to the president?
如果政府没有对加拿大发动贸易战,从而伤害了北部几个州的共和党现任议员和候选人,那会怎样?
What if the administration hadn’t launched a trade war with Canada, hurting GOP incumbents and candidates in several Northern states?
如果特朗普没有介入几场共和党初选,抬举那些糟糕的候选人并最终落败,那会怎样?
What if Trump hadn’t intervened in several Republican primaries, elevating awful candidates who lost?
如果共和党人拿出了某种政策议程或可信的主张与选民分享,那会怎样?
What if Republicans had come up with some kind of policy agenda or credible ideas to share with voters?
如果特朗普把更多精力放在自己的本职工作上,而不是白宫和华盛顿特区周围形形色色的虚荣项目上,那会怎样?如果特朗普的收官论述是连贯的,那会怎样?
What if Trump had focused more on his actual job than on assorted vanity projects at the White House and around Washington, D.C.? What if Trump’s closing argument had been coherent?
如果特朗普没有在撕毁延续数代的盟友关系的同时,附和克里姆林宫的说辞,而共和党议员对其中缘由完全不加审视,那会怎样?
What if Trump hadn’t shredded generations-old alliances while echoing Kremlin talking points for reasons that went entirely unexamined by GOP lawmakers?
当然,我们永远不会知道这些问题的答案,但这并不能阻止许多共和党人在民主党从共和党手中夺过缰绳之际对这些答案念念不忘。
We’ll never know the answers to these questions, of course, but that won’t stop many Republicans from obsessing over them as Democrats seize the reins from the GOP.