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大选前夕,内塔尼亚胡票仓现忠诚松动迹象In Netanyahu stronghold, signs of fraying loyalty emerge on eve of election

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这是2026年10月13日星期二拍摄的以色列北部最大城市基里亚特什莫纳的景象,背景中可见与黎巴嫩的边界。(美联社照片/阿里尔·沙利特)A view of Kiryat Shmona, Israel's largest northern city, is seen Tuesday, Oct. 13, 2026, with the border with Lebanon in the background. (AP Photo/Ariel Schalit)

基里亚特·什莫纳,以色列最北端的最大商业中心,长期以来一直支持总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡的利库德集团。

Kiryat Shmona, Israel's largest commercial center in the far north, has long supported Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Likud party.

梅拉妮·利德曼 基里亚特·什莫纳,以色列 —— 基里亚特·什莫纳长期以来一直是总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡利库德集团的支持堡垒。但这种忠诚不再是铁板一块。

MELANIE LIDMAN KIRYAT SHMONA, Israel — Kiryat Shmona has long been a bastion of support for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party. But that loyalty is no longer ironclad.

这座曾经繁华的商业中心,以色列最北端的城市,三年前因遭受来自邻国黎巴嫩的火箭弹袭击而被临时疏散,尽管袭击大多已平息,但它仍然感觉半空半满。尽管该镇依然坚定保守,但对内塔尼亚胡应对针对武装组织真主党的最新战争的方式表示不满的声音正在浮现,这可能预示着他在以色列周二大选中的前景不妙。

Once a bustling commercial center, Israel’s northernmost city was temporarily evacuated three years ago after being battered by rockets from nearby Lebanon and it still feels half-empty even though the attacks have mostly subsided. Although the town remains staunchly conservative, there are rumblings of displeasure with Netanyahu’s handling of the latest war against the militant group Hezbollah, and that could bode poorly for him in Israel’s election Tuesday.

内塔尼亚胡誓言制止真主党的袭击,自2023年以来领导了对黎巴嫩的轰炸行动,并两次入侵该国。已有超过4000名黎巴嫩人丧生,以色列军队占领了黎巴嫩南部的一片地区,夷平了多个城镇,导致估计100万人流离失所。

Vowing to stop Hezbollah’s attacks, Netanyahu led a bombing campaign in Lebanon and invaded the country twice since 2023. More than 4,000 Lebanese have been killed, and Israeli troops have occupied a swath of southern Lebanon, leveling multiple towns and displacing an estimated 1 million people.

尽管如此,真主党依然活跃。基里亚特·什莫纳的一些人认为,以色列本应更强硬;另一些人则表示,他们不再相信内塔尼亚胡关心他们。

Still, Hezbollah remains active. Some in Kiryat Shmona say Israel should have been even tougher; others say they no longer trust that Netanyahu cares about them.

64岁的埃蒂·本·沙巴特说,在以往的选举中,她总是跟随家人投票给利库德集团,几乎不假思索。但她说,近年来,有些东西崩断了。她部分归因于内塔尼亚胡未能兑现给北部带来安全、瓦解真主党的承诺。“我不想让谎言继续下去,”她说。

Eti Ben Shabat, 64, says in previous elections she had always followed her family in voting for Likud, almost without thinking. But in recent years, she said, something snapped. She pointed in part to Netanyahu’s broken promises to bring security to the north and dismantle Hezbollah. “I don’t want the lies to continue,” she said.

在以往的选举中,支持严重倾向内塔尼亚胡 内塔尼亚胡不太可能完全失去基里亚特·什莫纳。但即使其支持率——以及其他传统大本营的支持率——出现微小下滑,也可能给他带来麻烦。

In previous elections, support went heavy for Netanyahu Netanyahu is unlikely to lose Kiryat Shmona entirely. But even a small dip in its support — and that of other traditional strongholds — could spell trouble for him.

这可能会让一场势均力敌的选举向旨在取代他的加迪·艾森科特倾斜,也可能会增强极右翼政党的力量,这些政党很可能会支持内塔尼亚胡继续担任总理,但随后将在执政联盟中拥有更大的权力。

It could tip a very tight election to the man aiming to replace him, Gadi Eisenkot Or it could strengthen far-right parties, which would likely back Netanyahu to remain prime minister but would then have even greater power in a ruling coalition.

基里亚特·什莫纳一直支持右翼政党,尤其是利库德集团。根据中央选举委员会的数据,在2021年和2022年举行的最近两次选举中,该市约50%的选民选择了利库德集团,而全国范围内这一比例仅为四分之一。

Kiryat Shmona has always supported right-wing parties, particularly Likud. In the last elections held in 2021 and 2022, around 50% of voters there chose Likud, compared to a quarter of voters nationwide, according to the Central Elections Committee.

“基里亚特·什莫纳,无论从社会经济状况还是宗教信仰来看,都是为右翼、特别是利库德集团量身打造的,”72岁的退休利库德集团市议员萨米·马卢尔说,他曾于2008年代理市长职务。

“Kiryat Shmona, the way the city is socioeconomically and religion-wise, it is made for the right and specifically Likud,” said Sami Malul, 72, a retired Likud city councilor who served as the town’s acting mayor in 2008.

但这座城市因战争而元气大伤。政府疏散了基里亚特·什莫纳以及黎巴嫩边境沿线的数十个其他城镇和村庄,时间长达一年多——从真主党在哈马斯2023年10月7日袭击以色列南部后开始向以色列开火,直到2024年底与真主党达成停火协议为止。

But the town is reeling from the war. The government evacuated Kiryat Shmona and dozens of other towns and villages along the Lebanese border for more than a year – from the time Hezbollah began firing on Israel after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel until a ceasefire with Hezbollah was reached in late 2024.

内塔尼亚胡声称已制服真主党。因此,当以色列和美国发动对伊朗的战争后,真主党导弹在3月再次开始袭击时,基里亚特·什莫纳部分民众对他的信任崩塌了。

Netanyahu claimed to have subdued Hezbollah. So trust in him shattered among some in Kiryat Shmona when Hezbollah missiles again started hitting in March after Israel and the U.S. launched their war on Iran.

以色列随后对黎巴嫩南部的占领减少了但并未停止真主党的炮火。黎巴嫩军队将真主党从黎巴嫩南部清除的努力进展甚微。

Israel’s subsequent occupation of southern Lebanon has reduced but not stopped Hezbollah fire. Efforts by the Lebanese army to remove Hezbollah from southern Lebanon have made little progress.

基里亚特·什莫纳声称其2.2万居民中近80%已返回,但当地人表示实际数字更接近50%。街道显得空荡荡、被遗弃。在主要商业街道上,有几家店铺仍紧闭大门。其他店铺虽已开门,却门可罗雀。

Kiryat Shmona claims that nearly 80% of its 22,000 residents have returned, but locals say the real figure is closer to 50%. Streets feel empty and abandoned. On the main commercial drags, several shops remain shuttered. Others are open but devoid of customers.

马卢尔坚称政府处理战争和疏散工作得当,将居民安全放在首位。他认为基里亚特·什莫纳自建城以来就面临袭击,内塔尼亚胡不应为当前局势负责。许多人持相同看法。

Malul insists the government handled the war and the evacuation well, prioritizing residents’ safety. He argued Kiryat Shmona has faced attacks since its founding and Netanyahu isn’t to blame for the current situation. Many others feel the same.

“我们真的很爱比比,也选不了别人,但他应该看到他的人民的需求,”迈蒙·阿姆萨莱姆用内塔尼亚胡的昵称说道。“维护我们的安全是最重要的事,我们不想要别的什么。”

“We really love Bibi, and we can’t choose anyone else, but he should see the needs of his people,” said Maimon Amsalem, using Netanyahu’s nickname. “Keeping our security is the most important thing, we don’t want anything else.”

对一些人来说,三年的战争引发了戏剧性的转变。尼桑·泽维是以色列北部的第三代居民,住在基里亚特·什莫纳附近的一个城镇。只要他记事起,就一直投票给利库德集团。但今年,他以“在一起”反对党的身份竞选议会席位,对内塔尼亚胡所谓的“抛弃北部”感到愤怒。在最近一次与真主党的战争期间,泽维创立了“1701游说团”,这是一个倡导北部更好安全的行动团体。他希望以色列军队加大对真主党的打击,并维持其在黎巴嫩南部的缓冲区,直到黎巴嫩政府将真主党认定为恐怖组织。

For some, three years of war triggers a dramatic shift Nissan Zeevi, a third-generation resident of northern Israel who lives in a town adjacent to Kiryat Shmona, has voted for Likud as long as he can remember. But this year he is running for a seat in parliament with the Beyachad opposition party, furious over what he calls Netanyahu’s “abandonment of the north.”During the most recent war with Hezbollah, Zeevi founded Lobby 1701, an activist group advocating for better security in the north. He wants the Israeli military to increase its attacks against Hezbollah and maintain its buffer zone in southern Lebanon until the Lebanese government identifies Hezbollah as a terror organization.

“北部居民已经处于一场三年的战争中,这场战争还没有结束,”泽维说。“你可以看到人们对内塔尼亚胡的极大挫败感和极大失望感。”

“Residents in the north have been in a war for three years that hasn’t ended,” said Zeevi. “You can see the people’s great frustration and great disappointment in Netanyahu.”

“内塔尼亚胡在这里仍有他的基本盘,他们会跟他赴汤蹈火。但人们现在有了更多的政治意识,”泽维说。“20年后,他需要为新领导层让路。”

“Netanyahu still has his base here, who will go with him through fire and water. But people have much more political awareness now,” said Zeevi. “After 20 years, he needs to make way for new leadership.”

在一个小镇上,按家族路线投票。镇上几乎看不出选举就在眼前,也几乎没有为利库德集团或内塔尼亚胡表现出外在的热情。几张零散的小右翼政党竞选海报在路口飘扬,或粘在移动防空洞上。很少有居民愿意谈论政治,理由是普遍感到绝望和沮丧。

In a small town, voting along family lines Around town, there’s little evidence that elections are just days away, and little outward excitement for Likud or Netanyahu. A few scattered campaign posters for the smaller right-wing parties flutter at intersections or are glued onto mobile bomb shelters. Few residents wanted to speak about politics, citing a general feeling of hopelessness and frustration.

没有候选人针对与真主党的冲突提出具体计划,仅给出“强力防御”等模糊承诺。在以色列北部整体而言,内塔尼亚胡的支持率从2022年上次大选前的约29%下降至本月早些时候希伯来大学阿甘实验室一项民调中的约17%。

No candidates have offered a concrete plan for the conflict with Hezbollah, beyond offering vague promises of “strong defense.”In northern Israel as a whole, support for Netanyahu dropped from around 29% just before the last election in 2022 to around 17% in a poll conducted earlier this month for Agam Labs at Hebrew University.

阿甘实验室主任尼姆罗德·尼尔表示,对内塔尼亚胡感到失望的大多数利库德集团选民,很可能会转而支持“犹太力量党”和“宗教锡安主义党”等强硬派政党,这些政党主张对以色列敌人采取强硬军事行动。

Nimrod Nir, the director of Agam Labs, said most Likud voters frustrated with Netanyahu will likely support hardline parties like Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) and the Religious Zionist Party, which advocate tough military action against Israel’s enemies.

在基里亚特·什莫纳市中心一家理发店外等候时,本·沙巴特谈到了她支持艾森科特的决定。艾森科特是前军方首脑,2006年战争期间担任将军时,曾下令对真主党袭击实施不成比例的武力回击。

Waiting outside a downtown hairdresser in Kiryat Shmona, Ben Shabat talked about her decision to support Eisenkot, a former military chief who ordered disproportionate force in response to Hezbollah attacks when he was a general during a 2006 war.

本·沙巴特表示,她信任艾森科特,认为他比内塔尼亚胡更诚实。她觉得内塔尼亚胡很少努力与北部居民建立联系,却派遣士兵去战斗,而他自己的儿子却住在迈阿密的豪华公寓里。她还指出了内塔尼亚胡正在进行的腐败审判。内塔尼亚胡周二曾短暂到该镇造势,参访了一所高中和一所大学,活动不对公众开放,但他并未像其他候选人那样在市中心走动、与居民交流。

Ben Shabat said she trusts Eisenkot as a more honest leader than Netanyahu, who she feels made little effort to connect with residents in the north and sent soldiers to fight while his own son was in a luxury apartment in Miami. She also pointed to his ongoing corruption trial Netanyahu made a brief campaign stop in the town on Tuesday. He visited a high school and university, events that were closed to the public, but did not walk around downtown to mingle with residents, as other candidates have done.

在一个利库德集团支持关乎身份认同多于意识形态的地方,她投票给艾森科特的决定并不容易。该镇绝大多数居民是米兹拉希犹太人,他们于1950年代从中东和北非的阿拉伯语国家抵达。

Her decision to vote for Eisenkot wasn’t easy in a place where Likud support is a matter of identity more than ideology. The town is overwhelmingly made up of Mizrahi Jews, who arrived from Arabic-speaking countries in the Middle East and North Africa in the 1950s.

米兹拉希犹太人常认同右翼,尤其是利库德集团,因为他们曾面临由欧洲裔精英主导的以色列政府、军队和商业机构的歧视,这些精英传统上掌控着这些机构。

Mizrahi Jews often identify with the right and especially Likud, having faced discrimination by the European-descended elites that traditionally dominate Israeli government, military and business institutions.

“克里亚特·什莫纳就像一个小家庭,我们总是互相帮助,这是我喜欢它的原因之一,”本·沙巴特说。但这种紧密的相互支持也伴随着要以某种方式投票的社会压力。

“Kiryat Shmona is like a small family, we’re always helping each other, it’s one of the things I love about it,” Ben Shabat said. But that close-knit support also comes with social pressure to vote a certain way.

在最近一次为艾森科特支持者举办的聚会上,房间里挤满了人,但大家不想让观众席被拍照,担心家人或邻居怎么看,本·沙巴特说。

At a recent meetup for Eisenkot supporters, the room was packed, but people did not want photos taken of the audience, worrying what their family or neighbors would think, Ben Shabat said.

“这是个小地方,所以人们不公开谈论这事,”她说。“但在内心深处,人们真的想要改变。”

“It’s a small place, so people aren’t speaking about it openly,” she said. “But inside, people really want a change.”

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