
在这场历史性的中期选举中,民主党横扫了众议院和参议院,乘着选民普遍不满所激起的蓝色浪潮前行。经济、政府腐败、伊朗战争以及对总统唐纳德·特朗普执政表现日益负面的看法,共同为民主党在共和党铁票州翻转参议院席位创造了完美风暴。
In a historic midterm election, Democrats swept both the House and Senate, riding a blue wave spurred by widespread voter discontent. The economy, government corruption, war in Iran and increasingly negative views of President Donald Trump's job performance created a perfect storm for Democrats to flip Senate seats in Republican stronghold states.
截至发稿时,民主党在参议院拥有54席的多数优势,并已在众议院拿下228个席位。阿拉斯加州胜负难料的参议院选情目前仍过于胶着,尚无法判定结果。
At the time of publication, Democrats hold a 54-seat majority in the Senate and have secured 228 seats in the house. The tossup Senate race in Alaska remains too close to call at this time.
福克斯新闻选民民调于2026年10月19日至11月3日在全国范围内调查了超过10万名登记选民,调查方式结合了在线与电话访谈,以及对选举日选民进行的面对面调查。
The Fox News Voter Poll surveyed more than 100,000 registered voters nationwide from Oct. 19 to Nov. 3, 2026, combining online and telephone interviews with in-person surveys of Election Day voters.
在2024年大选出现强劲的右转之后,今年的中期选举标志着向左的回摆。选民仍按社区类型、性别和教育程度分化,这一格局在近几次选举中已变得司空见惯。郊区和城市选民、女性以及西班牙裔选民站在民主党一边,而农村选民、男性以及没有大学学位的选民则倾向于共和党。
After the strong rightward shifts in the 2024 election, this year’s midterms marked a turn back to the left. The electorate remained divided by community type, gender, and education, a pattern that has become commonplace in recent elections. Suburban and urban voters, women and Hispanics sided with Democrats, while rural voters, men and voters without a college degree favored Republicans.
曾助力特朗普赢得2024年大选的群体——即农村、西班牙裔、年轻和独立选民——明显转向了民主党。
Groups that helped power Trump’s 2024 win — namely rural, Hispanic, young, and independent voters — moved decidedly toward Democrats.
作为他获胜的关键群体,农村选民在2024年以28个百分点的优势支持特朗普。这一优势下降了10个百分点,如今仅以18个百分点的优势支持共和党众议院候选人。
A pivotal group in his win, rural voters backed Trump by 28 points in 2024. That advantage dropped by 10 points, to just 18 points in favor of Republican House candidates.


共和党在农村女性中的表现不佳。2024年特朗普以21个百分点的优势赢得这一群体,而今年共和党众议院候选人在她们中的领先优势仅为8个百分点,下降了13个百分点。
Republicans underperformed among rural women. After Trump carried them by 21 points in 2024, Republican House candidates led among them by 8 points this year, an 13-point decline.
与此同时,郊区女性坚定地走向民主党。哈里斯曾以14个百分点的优势赢得她们的支持,而此次她们以24个百分点的优势支持民主党众议院候选人。
At the same time, suburban women marched firmly toward Democrats. Harris won them by a 14-point margin, and they broke for Democratic House candidates by 24 points.

这一转变超越了社区分歧。两年前曾出人意料地支持特朗普的西班牙裔选民,此次以27个百分点的优势支持民主党众议院候选人,而此前他们仅以12个百分点的优势支持哈里斯。这主要是由西班牙裔男性推动的,他们在2024年仅以2个百分点微弱优势支持哈里斯,如今则以15个百分点的优势支持民主党。
That shift extended beyond community divides. Hispanic voters, who showed surprising support for Trump two years ago, backed Democratic House candidates by 27 points, after breaking for Harris by just 12 points. This was driven largely by Hispanic men, who after narrowly voting for Harris by 2 points in 2024, sided with the Democrats by 15 points.

年轻选民也呈现出类似模式。通常被视为民主党可靠票仓的30岁以下选民打破了常规认知,在2024年以4个百分点的微弱优势支持哈里斯。如今,他们以近三比一的优势支持民主党众议院候选人。
Young voters also followed a similar pattern. Often considered a reliable Democratic voting bloc, those under age 30 defied conventional wisdom and narrowly backed Harris by 4 points in 2024. Now, they backed Democratic House candidates by nearly 3-to-1.

年轻男性的党派偏好发生了彻底逆转,从支持特朗普领先15个百分点,转变为支持民主党众议院候选人领先33个百分点,摆动幅度达48个百分点。支持本党众议院候选人的民主党人略多于共和党人。
Young men made a complete reversal in their party preference, going from a 15-point margin for Trump to a 33-point margin for the Democratic House candidates, a 48-point swing. Slightly more Democrats than Republicans backed their party’s House candidates.


虽然右翼阵营有少量倒戈,但更大的变化来自中间派。独立选民以22个百分点的优势支持民主党候选人,较2024年摆动16个百分点,当时他们仅以6个百分点的优势支持哈里斯。
While there was a small amount of defection on the right, the bigger move came from the middle. Independents backed Democratic candidates by 22 points, a 16-point shift from 2024, when they backed Harris by just 6 points.

在共和党内部,MAGA共和党人与非MAGA共和党人之间的分歧扩大。略过半数的共和党人(54%)认为自己是MAGA,他们几乎一致地投票支持共和党候选人(99%)。留在本党的非MAGA共和党人较少(85%)。
Within the Republican Party, the divide between MAGA and non-MAGA Republicans widened. A narrow majority of Republicans (54%) considered themselves MAGA, and they voted almost unanimously for Republican candidates (99%). Fewer non-MAGA Republicans stayed with their party (85%).


除了人口结构的变化之外,这个选举周期还以选民的悲观情绪、经济挫败感以及对共和党品牌幻灭为特征。
Beyond the demographic shifts, this was an election cycle marked by voter pessimism, economic frustration, and disillusionment with the Republican brand.

选民在投票时对该国前景持黯淡看法。四分之三的人表示对事态发展感到不满或愤怒,而只有四分之一的人感到满意或热情。
Voters cast their ballots with a bleak view of the country in their minds. Three-quarters said they felt dissatisfied or angry about how things were going, while just a quarter were satisfied or enthusiastic.

愤怒情绪按党派划线:超过六成民主党人对现状感到愤怒,相比之下共和党人只有十分之一,独立人士则超过三分之一。这与2022年中期选举时的情况正好相反,当时约半数共和党人感到愤怒,而民主党人和独立人士分别为15%和27%。
The anger divides along partisan lines: more than 6 in 10 Democrats were angry with how things were going, compared with 1 in 10 Republicans and more than a third of independents. This is a reversal from the 2022 midterms, when roughly half of Republicans were angry, compared with 15% of Democrats and 27% of independents.

对现状的不满延伸到了对未来的预期。一半人表示,他们预计下一代的生活会比今天更糟,这一比例是认为会更好的人的两倍。
Frustration with the present extended into the future. Half said they expected life for the next generation to be worse than life today, twice the share who expected it to be better.

选民将这种不满发泄在总统身上。特朗普的执政支持率为38%对62%,净值为-24,而且不认可的程度十分强烈。超过半数的人强烈不认可他的执政表现,是强烈认可者人数的两倍。
Voters took those frustrations out on the president. Trump’s job approval stood at 38%-62%, a net rating of -24, and that disapproval was intense. More than half strongly disapproved of his job performance, double the number who strongly approved.
八年前,在他第一个任期的中期节点,他的执政支持率为44%对56%,净值为-12,表现更强。
Eight years ago, at the midterm point in his first term, his job approval rating was a stronger 44%-56%, a net rating of just -12.

即便特朗普不在选票上,他仍是许多美国人心中所想的对象。表示投票选举众议员是为了表达对他的反对、而非支持的人更多,比例接近3比1。
Even without Trump on the ballot, he was on the minds of many Americans. More said they cast their House vote to express opposition to him than to support him, nearly a 3-to-1 margin.
这种反对部分源于一种感觉,即特朗普并不理解选民正在经历什么。更多选民表示,特朗普优先考虑的是自己的个人利益,而非国家利益。
Part of that opposition came from a sense that Trump did not understand what voters were going through. More voters said Trump prioritized his own personal interests than the country’s.

选民对他的个人特质也评价不高。超过六成的人表示,他缺乏正确的优先事项,也没有为像他们这样的人而奋斗。微弱多数的人表示,他不是一个强有力的领导人,也缺乏有效履职的心智能力。
They also gave him low marks on personal traits. More than 6 in 10 said he lacked the right priorities and did not fight for people like them. Narrow majorities said he was not a strong leader and lacked the mental capability to serve effectively.
总统的声望也拖累了其所属政党。在赢得对华盛顿的全面控制两年后,共和党的净支持率为-18,较2024年-3的净值下滑了15个百分点。
The president’s standing was also a drag on his party. Two years after winning unified control of Washington, the Republican Party was -18 points underwater, a -15-point slide from its net rating of -3 in 2024.
民主党的不受欢迎程度同样明显,但其净值几乎保持稳定,从-7变为-6。
The Democratic Party was unpopular as well, but its net rating held nearly steady, from -7 to -6.
两党选民的忠诚度大致相当:几乎所有共和党人和民主党人都对自己所属的政党持正面看法。独立选民对民主党更为好感,42%的人对民主党持正面看法,而他们对共和党持负面看法的比例约为2比1。
Each party’s voters were about equally loyal: nearly all Republicans and Democrats viewed their own party favorably. Independents were more favorable toward the Democrats, with 42% viewing the Democratic Party favorably, while they rated the Republican Party negatively by about 2-to-1.
对政党的看法也与对该党领袖的看法相一致。民主党人几乎一致不认可特朗普,而约八成共和党人表示认可。约七成独立选民对总统持负面看法。
Views of the party also tracked the views of its leader. Democrats were nearly unanimous in their disapproval of Trump, while about 8 in 10 Republicans approved. Roughly 7 in 10 independents viewed the president unfavorably.
两年前,选民给了共和党一个压低物价的机会。今年,他们表示关税、通货膨胀以及伊朗战争推高了成本,他们用这次选举呼吁改变。
Two years ago, voters gave the Republicans a chance to bring prices down. This year, they said tariffs, inflation, and a war in Iran pushed costs higher, and they used this election to call for change.
对多数人来说,通胀的影响无法回避,其中五分之一的人称这种困境十分严重。
The effects of inflation were inescapable for the majority, including 1 in 5 who called that hardship severe.
四分之三的人对经济给出,这与特朗普第一任期此时的状况形成鲜明反差——当时以2比1超过,2018年福克斯新闻选民分析调查显示(66%正面,34%负面)。
Three-quarters rated the economy negatively, a stark reversal from this point in Trump’s first term, when positive ratings outnumbered negative ones by 2-to-1, as shown in the 2018 Fox News Voter Analysis survey (66% positive, 34% negative).
在对经济给出的选民中,近七成投票支持民主党。而在对经济持正面看法的人中,共和党更受青睐。
Almost 7 in 10 of voters who gave the economy a negative rating voted for the Democrats. Among those with a positive economic outlook, Republicans were favored.
在家庭预算方面,对各类价格的担忧差别不大。汽油和柴油价格居首,这一担忧源于伊朗战争及其对燃料价格的影响。医疗保健和食品杂货紧随其后,多数人对公用事业费用非常担忧。
Within the household budget, concerns about prices varied little across categories. The cost of gas and diesel was at the top, a worry that followed the Iran war and its effect on fuel prices. Healthcare and groceries were right behind, and a majority were very concerned about utilities.
选民对伊朗的看法与燃料成本密切相关。总体而言,约六成人认为美国采取军事行动的决定是错误的,他们支持民主党众议院候选人。而认为这一决定正确的选民几乎都支持共和党。
Voters’ views on Iran were closely linked to fuel costs. In general, about 6 in 10 believed the U.S. made the wrong decision in taking military action, and they backed the Democratic House candidate. Nearly all voters who called it the right decision supported Republicans.
在福克斯新闻与芝加哥大学NORC联合进行的一项独家调查中,选民被问及关于伊朗战争的各种优先事项。这项调查于2026年11月1日至3日通过电话和网络进行,使用NORC基于概率的AmeriSpeak样本库,调查了约3000名登记选民。
In an exclusive survey by Fox News and NORC at the University of Chicago, voters were asked about various priorities regarding the Iran war. The survey of approximately 3,000 registered voters was conducted Nov. 1-3, 2026, by phone and online using NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak panel.
超过三分之二的受访者表示,避免在伊朗陷入长期冲突非常重要;而半数受访者对阻止伊朗发展核武器持同样看法。
More than two-thirds said it was very important to avoid a prolonged conflict in Iran, while half said the same about stopping Iran from developing nuclear weapons.
最终,汽油价格压过了安全威胁。当被要求做出选择时,倾向于结束军事介入以压低油价的选民,几乎是倾向于重启军事行动以阻止核武器发展的选民的两倍。
Ultimately, gas prices took priority over security threats. When asked to choose, nearly twice as many voters preferred ending the military involvement to bring down gas prices as preferred restarting military action to stop nuclear weapons development.
超过八成的民主党人支持结束冲突以压低油价,约六成的独立人士也持相同立场。同样有六成的共和党人支持重启军事行动。尽管如此,仍有略超半数的共和党人认为避免该地区陷入长期冲突非常重要,多数民主党人和独立人士也持此看法。
More than 8 in 10 Democrats favored ending the conflict to bring down gas prices, as did around 6 in 10 independents. The same share of Republicans, 6 in 10, favored restarting military action. Still, just over half of Republicans saw it as very important to avoid a prolonged conflict in the region, as did a majority of Democrats and independents.
在物价高于往常的问题上,选民明显更倾向于归咎于特朗普的政策,而非他无法控制的因素。
When it comes to higher-than-usual prices, voters were considerably more likely to point to Trump’s policies than to factors outside his control.
多数受访者表示,他的政策使美国的状况变得更糟,较少人表示政策改善了状况。
A majority said his policies had made conditions in the U.S. worse, while fewer said they improved conditions.
关税是这种归咎的核心部分。约三分之二的受访者表示,特朗普的关税损害了国家经济,持相同看法认为关税损害了自身所在地区经济的人几乎同样多。约两成受访者表示关税对国家经济有帮助,认为对本地经济有帮助的人更少。
Tariffs were a central piece of that blame. About two-thirds said Trump’s tariffs hurt the national economy, and nearly as many said they hurt the economy in their own area. About 2 in 10 said tariffs helped the national economy, and even fewer said they helped locally.
在家庭艰难应对高物价之际,选民认为特朗普更关注自身利益,而非他所服务的民众。这种不满也延伸到了经济体系本身:近七成受访者表示该体系偏袒富人。
While families wrestled with high prices, voters felt Trump was more focused on his own interests than the people he serves. That frustration extended to the economic system itself: nearly 7 in 10 said it favored the wealthy.
然而,这种怀疑与对资本主义的支持并存。超过半数选民对资本主义持好感,远高于对社会主义持好感的约三分之一。选民喜欢这一制度的理念,却怀疑它对自身是否管用。
Yet that skepticism coexisted with support for capitalism. More than half of voters viewed capitalism favorably, far more than the third who viewed socialism favorably. Voters liked the idea of the system but doubted how it worked for them.
政府腐败和生活成本是此次投票的两大主要驱动因素,各有约半数选民认为其至关重要。移民和伊朗战争紧随其后,各有超过三分之一选民认为至关重要,人工智能和数据中心则排在更后。在认为腐败、生活成本、伊朗和人工智能对自身投票至关重要的选民中,民主党是更受青睐的政党;而在关注移民的选民中,共和党保持优势。
Government corruption and the cost of living were the two main drivers of the vote, with roughly half calling each crucial. Immigration and the Iran war followed closely, each crucial for more than a third, with AI and data centers further back. Democrats were the favored party among voters who said corruption, costs, Iran, and AI were crucial to their vote, while Republicans held their edge with voters focused on immigration.
选民对国家状况的看法反映了他们对生活成本和腐败的不满。经济在选民认为国家面临的问题中位居首位,略高于民主状况。移民远远排在第三,其后是医疗保健、外交政策和犯罪。
Frustration with costs and corruption was reflected in how voters saw the state of the country. The economy topped the list of issues facing the country, narrowly ahead of the state of democracy. Immigration came in a distant third, followed by healthcare, foreign policy, and crime.
民主状况之所以突出,主要来自民主党人,他们将民主状况列为最重要问题(48%),高于经济(36%)。独立选民将经济排在首位(39%),民主状况紧随其后(34%)。共和党人将民主状况排在第三(16%),位于经济(41%)和移民(27%)之后。
The prominence of democracy came mainly from Democrats, who named the state of democracy as their top issue (48%), ahead of the economy (36%). Independents put the economy first (39%), with democracy close behind (34%). Republicans ranked democracy third (16%), behind the economy (41%) and immigration (27%).
将民主状况和经济列为最重要问题的选民支持民主党众议员候选人,而将移民列为优先事项的选民则支持共和党。
Voters who named democracy and the economy as their top issue backed Democratic House candidates, while voters who prioritized immigration backed Republicans.
在受访的八个问题中,有六个问题被问及哪个政党能处理得更好,民主党在其中六个上占据优势,尽管优势幅度往往不大。他们最大的优势在医疗保健,其次是跨性别政策。
Democrats also held an advantage when it came to which party would do a better job handling six of the eight issues tested, though often by modest margins. Their largest edge was on healthcare, followed by transgender policies.
在经济问题上——选民认为国家面临的最重要问题——民主党领先6个百分点,与他们在外交政策上的优势(+5)相近。
On the economy — the issue voters saw as the most important facing the country — Democrats led by 6 points, similar to their margins on foreign policy (+5).
在政府腐败问题上,选民略微倾向于民主党,但三分之一的人对两党能否处理这一国家面临的首要问题之一都不信任。
On government corruption, voters narrowly favored Democrats, but a third did not trust either party to handle one of the top issues facing the country.
共和党仅在移民议题上领先,优势为3个百分点。两党在税收议题上势均力敌,在人工智能议题上的差距则在两个百分点以内。
Republicans led only on immigration, with a 3-point lead. The parties ran even on taxes, and finished within two points of each other on AI.
在医疗议题上,对成本的担忧普遍存在,这些选民支持了民主党众议院候选人。明显多数选民支持联邦政府在帮助美国人获得医疗服务方面发挥更大作用。
On healthcare, concern about costs was widespread, and those voters backed the Democratic House candidates. A clear majority favored a bigger federal role in helping Americans get care.
因此,他们对特朗普政府在该议题上的表现评价不佳,多数人表示其政策让人们更难获得所需的医疗服务,也加重了他们自身的成本负担。
Consequently, they gave the Trump administration poor marks on the issue, with majorities saying its policies made it harder to get the care they needed and made their own costs worse.
在人工智能议题上,选民对这一个新出现的政治议题持谨慎态度。多数人表示它对社会造成的伤害会更大,这一共识在民主党人、共和党人和独立人士中均达成,而四分之一的人表示它带来的帮助会更大。在有党派倾向的选民中,共和党人最有可能认为人工智能将对社会产生积极影响,比例为33%。
On AI, voters approached this new political issue with wariness. A majority said it would do more to hurt society, a consensus reached by Democrats, Republicans, and independents alike, while a quarter said it would do more to help. Among partisans, Republicans were the most likely to say AI would have a positive impact on society, at 33%.
在这一点上,两党在该议题上都没有明显优势:人工智能是选择“两党都无法更好处理”比例最高的议题,而两党之间的差距在2个百分点以内,民主党略微领先。
At this point, neither party had a clear advantage on the issue: AI drew the highest share choosing neither party as better able to handle it, and the two parties finished within 2 points of each other, with Democrats narrowly pulling ahead.
数据中心建设也得到了类似的评判。四分之三的选民反对在其社区新建数据中心。反对者以28个百分点的优势支持民主党众议院候选人,而支持者则以45个百分点的优势支持共和党。
Data center construction drew a similar verdict. Three-quarters of voters opposed a new data center in their community. Those who opposed one backed the Democratic House candidates by 28 points, while those in favor backed Republicans by 45 points.
在农村选民中,数据中心已成为一个标志性议题。他们以3比1的比例反对在其社区建设数据中心。
Among rural voters, data centers had emerged as a defining issue. They also split 3-to-1 in opposition to building one in their community.
在移民议题上,共和党被认为更适合处理该问题,但选民对其执法力度给出了过度执法的评判。多数人表示特朗普政府的行动做得太过,其余人则在“大致恰当”和“还不够”之间各占一半。
On immigration, Republicans were favored to handle, but voters delivered a verdict of overreach on enforcement. A majority said the Trump administration’s actions had gone too far, with the rest split between about right and not far enough.
移民和海关执法局获得的评价大多为负面,多数选民不认可其工作表现。多数选民对移民持好感,认为他们对美国的帮助大于伤害。
Immigration and Customs Enforcement received mostly negative marks, with a majority of voters disapproving of its job performance. Most voters viewed immigrants favorably, saying they do more to help the country than to hurt it.
这些机构本身的评分很低。国会获得约四分之一受访者的认可,最高法院获得约四成受访者的认可。
Ratings of the institutions themselves were low. Congress drew approval from roughly a quarter, and the Supreme Court drew approval from about 4 in 10.
选民希望国会更强势。多数受访者表示,国会在对总统行使制衡方面做得不够,这些选民以49个百分点的优势支持民主党众议员候选人。
Voters wanted a stronger Congress. A majority said Congress was not doing enough to provide checks and balances on the presidency, and those voters backed Democratic House candidates by 49 points.
福克斯新闻选民民调是由SSRS开展的一项调查,覆盖全美超过10万名登记选民。该调查于2026年10月19日至11月3日进行,在选举日投票结束时结束。该民调将在线和电话收集的登记选民数据,与在全国各地投票站从选举日选民处当面收集的数据相结合。在最后一步,根据对全国选民构成的估计,调整投票方式(缺席投票、提前现场投票和选举日投票)的占比,将所有选前调查受访者和选举日出口民调受访者合并。
The Fox News Voter Poll is a survey conducted by SSRS with more than 100,000 registered voters nationwide. This survey was conducted Oct. 19 to Nov. 3, 2026, concluding at the end of voting on Election Day. The poll combines data collected from registered voters online and by telephone with data collected in-person from Election Day voters at precincts across the country. In the final step, all the pre-election survey respondents and Election Day exit poll respondents are combined by adjusting the share of voting mode (absentee, early-in-person, and Election Day) based on the estimated composition of the national electorate.
计票完成后,调查结果还会进行加权,以与全国选举结果相匹配。在全国范围内接受采访的所有登记选民中的结果,其估计抽样误差幅度为正负0.5个百分点,其中包括设计效应。各子群体中的误差幅度更大。完整的方法细节可在此处查阅。
Once votes are counted, the survey results are also weighted to match the national election results. Results among all registered voters interviewed nationwide have an estimated margin of sampling error of plus or minus 0.5 percentage points, including the design effects. The error margin is larger among subgroups. Full methodological details are available here.
Fox News/NORC AmeriSpeak 调查是一项由芝加哥大学 NORC 进行的注册选民全国调查。该调查于 2026 年 11 月 1 日至 3 日进行,在选举日投票截止时结束。该民调基于从 NORC 的概率性 AmeriSpeak 面板中抽取的约 3,000 名注册选民的随机样本,通过在线和电话方式以英语和西班牙语进行采访。调查结果根据人口统计特征、地理特征以及党派归属等选民特定信息进行调整,并在计票后根据众议院全国普选结果进行加权。
The Fox News/NORC AmeriSpeak Study is a national survey of registered voters conducted by NORC at the University of Chicago. This survey was conducted Nov. 1-3, 2026, concluding as polls close on Election Day. The poll is based on a random sample of approximately 3,000 registered voters drawn from NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak panel, interviewed online and by telephone in English and Spanish. Survey weights adjust to population totals for demographic and geographic characteristics, as well as voter-specific information including partisanship, and, once votes are counted, the results are weighted to the national popular vote for the House of Representatives.
在全国范围内对 3,464 名注册选民进行采访,其估计抽样误差范围为正负 2.5 个百分点(含设计效应)。对于不同群体,误差范围会更大。
Results among all 3,464 registered voters interviewed nationwide have an estimated margin of sampling error of plus or minus 2.5 percentage points, including the design effects. The error margin is larger among subgroups.