
印尼总统普拉博沃·苏比安托对印尼政治高层进行的大规模调整,其最终目标可能是那位在执政十年后助他登上权力宝座的人:前总统佐科·维多多。
The ultimate target of President Prabowo Subianto’s shakeup at the top of Indonesian politics may be the man who helped propel him to power after leading the country for a decade: ex-President Joko Widodo.
周四,佐科长子吉布兰·拉卡布明·拉卡辞去副总统一职,这剥夺了佐科在普拉博沃政府中最重要的立足点。这也让普拉博沃掌握了吉布兰继任者人选名单的主动权,有助于他塑造副总统职位,并为2029年的权力角逐布局。
The resignation Thursday of his eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as vice president strips Widodo of his most important remaining foothold in Prabowo’s administration. It also gives Prabowo control over the shortlist for Gibran’s successor, helping him shape the vice presidency and the contest for power in 2029.
“除了佐科维,没人能打败普拉博沃,”伊斯亚-尤索夫·伊萨克研究所印尼研究计划访问研究员马德·苏普里亚特马表示,“所以就把佐科维和他的家族彻底清除掉。” 这一离职进一步瓦解了一个联盟,该联盟是在普拉博沃于2014年和2019年两次总统大选中败给佐科维(前总统的通俗称呼)后形成的。后来,佐科维任命这位对手为国防部长,这一职位帮助普拉博沃在2024年大选前提升了知名度,当时佐科维因宪法限制无法寻求第三个任期。
“Nobody can beat Prabowo except Jokowi,” Made Supriatma, visiting fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, said. “So just get rid of Jokowi and his family forever.”The departure further unravels an alliance forged after Prabowo lost the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections to Jokowi, as the former president is popularly known. Jokowi later appointed his rival as defense minister, a role that helped Prabowo bolster his profile ahead of the 2024 election, when Jokowi was constitutionally barred from seeking a third term.

随后,时年39岁的吉布兰加入了普拉博沃的竞选搭档,此前由佐科维小舅子领导的宪法法院为总统和副总统候选人的最低年龄要求开设了例外。这张竞选搭档名单让普拉博沃得以利用佐科维的巨大声望,并标志着这位前总统——曾主持长达十年、年均约5%的经济增长——与新政府之间的延续性。
Gibran, 39, then joined Prabowo’s ticket after the Constitutional Court, at the time led by Jokowi’s brother-in-law, created an exception to the minimum age requirement for presidential and vice presidential candidates. The ticket allowed Prabowo to capitalize on Jokowi’s immense popularity and signaled continuity between the former president, who presided over a decade of roughly 5% annual growth, and the incoming administration.
然而,自就职以来,普拉博沃越来越多地在政府中打上自己的烙印。他的议程已使佐科维的一些优先事项黯然失色,包括前总统在婆罗洲建设新首都的标志性计划。
Since taking office, however, Prabowo has increasingly put his own stamp on the government. His agenda has eclipsed some Jokowi priorities, including the former president’s signature plan to build a new capital in Borneo.
普拉博沃的支持率也有所下降,从2025年底的80%以上跌至近期民调中的44.5%,而印尼盾周四跌至历史新低,成为今年亚洲表现最差的货币。
Prabowo’s approval rating has also fallen, from more than 80% in late 2025 to 44.5% in a recent poll, while the rupiah hit a record low on Thursday and is Asia’s worst-performing currency this year.
与此同时,印尼股市在同期表现为全球最差,此前MSCI公司表示,因治理担忧,可能将印尼重新归类为独立市场。尽管如此,在吉布兰正式辞职后,基准股指收盘上涨2.7%。与佐科维时代的决裂体现在人事与政策两个层面。
Indonesian stocks, meanwhile, are the world’s worst-performing over the same period after MSCI Inc. said it could reclassify the country as a standalone market over governance concerns. Still, the benchmark stock index closed 2.7% higher after Gibran officially resigned. The break with the Jokowi era has unfolded through personnel as well as policy.
2025年,普拉博沃替换了资深财政部长斯里·穆利亚尼·因德拉瓦蒂,后者曾在佐科维麾下任职,深受投资者信任;而在上个月的一次改组中,他将佐科维的前国务秘书普拉蒂克诺调任顾问职务,并替换了佐科维任命的国家警察总长利斯蒂约·西吉特·普拉博沃。利斯蒂约与佐科维共事十余年,上周因涉嫌非法窃听总统通讯被捕。
In 2025, Prabowo replaced veteran Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who had served under Jokowi and was widely trusted by investors, while in a reshuffle last month, he moved Jokowi’s former state secretary, Pratikno, into an advisory role and replaced National Police chief Listyo Sigit Prabowo, a Jokowi appointee. Listyo, who worked with Jokowi for more than a decade, was arrested last week on allegations he was involved in illegally wiretapping the president.
吉布兰自身的处境在最高法院裁定作废一份国家批准的同等学历证书后面临严峻压力,该证书曾用于证明他符合2024年大选的学历要求。尽管吉布兰持有大学学位,并最初表示将抗辩,但他在裁决不到两周后辞职。
Gibran’s own position came under acute pressure after the Supreme Court invalidated a state-approved equivalency certificate he’d used to show he met the education requirement for the 2024 election. Although Gibran holds a university degree and initially said he would fight the allegations, he resigned less than two weeks after the ruling.
风险情报公司Verisk Maplecroft高级亚洲分析师劳拉·施瓦茨表示:“吉布兰的辞职标志着一系列佐科维核心盟友被降职或撤职的最新进展,加剧了佐科维与普拉博沃之间的裂痕,而两人的联盟对普拉博沃当选至关重要。剩余的联盟重量级人物现在很可能会争夺影响力。”
“Gibran’s resignation caps a series of demotions and removals of key Jokowi allies, widening the rift between Jokowi and Prabowo, whose alliance was integral to Prabowo’s election,” Laura Schwartz, senior Asia analyst at risk intelligence company Verisk Maplecroft, said. “Remaining coalition heavyweights are now likely to scramble for influence.”
佐科维周四在家乡梭罗简短会见记者时表示,他依然支持普拉博沃,并曾建议吉布兰“职位是暂时的”。“政治职位总会涉及政治动态,”他说。政府传播机构表示,国家机构继续正常运作。
Jokowi, speaking briefly with reporters on Thursday in his hometown of Solo, said that he remained supportive of Prabowo and that he had advised Gibran that “position is temporary.”“Political positions will always involve political dynamics,” he said. The Government Communication Agency said state institutions continued to function normally.
这一变故发生在普拉博沃政治上微妙的时刻,不小程度上是因为选民对他的一些标志性支出计划感到不满。
The rupture comes at a politically delicate moment for Prabowo, not least because of voter dissatisfaction with some of his signature spending programs.
雅加达及其他地方爆发了小规模抗议。在利斯蒂奥被捕后,军方调动了近2.1万名海军人员在雅加达维持安保,部署了近8000人,并让1.3万多人处于待命状态。军方官员称此举属于例行安排,但部分分析人士认为这是针对警察内部派系可能采取行动的预防措施。
Small protests have flared in Jakarta and elsewhere. After Listyo’s arrest, the military mobilized nearly 21,000 Navy personnel for security in Jakarta, deploying almost 8,000 and placing more than 13,000 on standby. Military officials described the move as routine, although some analysts saw it as a precaution against possible action by factions within the police.
尽管如此,分析人士并不预期副总统人选的更迭本身会引发新一轮动荡。
Still, analysts don’t expect the change in the vice presidency itself to usher in a new wave of instability.
“从政治上讲,这将使普拉博沃更强势,”帕拉马迪纳大学经济学家维亚扬托·萨米林说。
“Politically, it will make Prabowo stronger,” said Wijayanto Samirin, an economist at Paramadina University.
确实,维亚扬托表示,窃听案为总统赢得了公众同情,并帮助他为始于最新内阁改组的权力整合提供了理由。他预计普拉博沃将继续更换国家警察和军队的领导层,并用他信任的人取代内阁中与佐科维关联的人物。
Indeed, the wiretapping case has generated public sympathy for the president and helped him justify a consolidation that began with the latest cabinet reshuffle, Wijayanto said. He expects Prabowo to continue changing the leadership of the National Police and military and replacing Jokowi-linked figures in the cabinet with people he trusts.
考虑到普拉博沃的主导地位以及副总统有限的角色,吉布兰的离任更可能影响政治平衡,而非经济政策。
Gibran’s exit is likely to affect the political balance far more than economic policy, given Prabowo’s dominance and the vice president’s limited role.
“吉布兰的离任不太可能动摇普拉博沃政府,”战略咨询公司FGS Global副总监德迪·迪纳托说。“如果有什么影响的话,这反而给了普拉博沃更大的空间来巩固权力,并在挑选新副总统时着眼于2029年总统大选。”迪纳托表示,国家主导发展、资源民族主义以及达南塔拉在管理国有资产和战略投资中的核心地位,不大可能发生实质性变化。
“Gibran’s departure is unlikely to destabilize the Prabowo administration,” said Dedi Dinarto, associate director at strategic advisory firm FGS Global. “If anything, it gives Prabowo greater room to consolidate power and manage the selection of a new vice-president with an eye on the 2029 presidential election.”Dinarto said state-led development, resource nationalism and Danantara’s central role in managing state assets and strategic investments are unlikely to change materially.
努山塔拉是普拉博沃与佐科维背道而驰最清晰的象征之一,该项目耗资数十亿美元,旨在将首都从雅加达大都会区迁至婆罗洲。建设仍在继续,政府仍在向该项目拨款,但它已失去了在佐科维时期享有的大部分政治显要地位和资金支持。
One of the clearest symbols of Prabowo’s divergence from Jokowi is Nusantara, the multibillion-dollar undertaking to move the capital from the Jakarta metropolitan area to Borneo. Construction continues and the government is still allocating money to the project, but it has lost much of the political prominence and funding it enjoyed under Jokowi.
苏普里亚特马表示:“即使普拉博沃‘没公开说,他已经叫停了那个项目。’他在采矿、林业、经济等政策上也已偏离佐科维的路线。”
Even if Prabowo “didn’t say it out loud, he already stopped that project,” Supriatma said. “He’s also moved away from Jokowi’s policies on mining, forestry, the economy.”
他补充道:“上一届政府被视为对外资极其友好,甚至等同于完全向外资投降。现在则截然相反,对外资极其敌视。”政府官员多次否认这一说法,称印尼欢迎国际投资者,不过政府同时也坚持印尼人应成为国家资源的受益者。尽管能源价格上涨造成冲击,经济第三季度同比仍增长约5.5%,外国直接投资也在上升。
“The previous administration was seen as very friendly to foreign investors, even though it amounted to a total surrender to foreign capital,” he added. “Now it’s the opposite; it’s very hostile to foreign investors.”Government officials have repeatedly rejected that characterization, saying Indonesia welcomes international investors, though the administration has also insisted that Indonesians should be the beneficiaries of the country’s resources. The economy expanded roughly 5.5% in the third quarter from a year earlier despite the impact of higher energy prices, and foreign direct investment is rising.
吉布兰的辞职不一定意味着佐科维政治影响力的终结。这位前总统保留着全国知名的政治品牌,并加入了由其幼子凯桑·潘加雷普担任主席的印尼团结党(PSI)。但该党在议会中没有席位。
Gibran’s resignation doesn’t necessarily end Jokowi’s political relevance. The former president retains a nationally recognized political brand and has joined the Indonesian Solidarity Party, or PSI, which is chaired by his younger son, Kaesang Pangarep. But PSI has no seats in parliament.
维贾扬托表示:“在政治中,政客可能拥有第二次甚至第三次政治生命。但这一次对佐科维家族而言不同,因为他们失去了所有关键支持者,包括政府、国家警察、地方政府和商界人士。更重要的是,这个家族失去了公众的信任。”
“In politics, politicians might have a second or a third life,” said Wijayanto. “However, this time is different for Jokowi’s clan, since they have lost all the key supporters including those in the government, the National Police, the local government and the business community. More importantly, the family has lost the trust of the public.”